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fellow. They used a key to get în. We figured they were landlords if they used a key. When the architect came, our power was cut. Sorin Murariu: They told uș to clean up în the attic and we worked for about 4 days. The deal was we could stay there. Then I told them we weren’ț OK with working for nothing, that I could work somewhere else and that I was losing money. I hâd to eat something. They
Păzirea ruinelor - un articol în două episoade despre gentrificare și anti-squatting () [Corola-website/Science/295768_a_297097]
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came, our power was cut. Sorin Murariu: They told uș to clean up în the attic and we worked for about 4 days. The deal was we could stay there. Then I told them we weren’ț OK with working for nothing, that I could work somewhere else and that I was losing money. I hâd to eat something. They told uș to trust them. They promised they would let uș stay if we worked hard enough. We worked really hard
Păzirea ruinelor - un articol în două episoade despre gentrificare și anti-squatting () [Corola-website/Science/295768_a_297097]
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money. I hâd to eat something. They told uș to trust them. They promised they would let uș stay if we worked hard enough. We worked really hard, they used to come and hurry uș. But we worked 3 days for nothing, just because we trusted them when they said they wouldn’ț throw uș ouț. No tools, no gloves, no nothing. And the rats were big. They’d bite your legs if you weren’ț careful. [...] A. </b><b><i
Păzirea ruinelor - un articol în două episoade despre gentrificare și anti-squatting () [Corola-website/Science/295768_a_297097]
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we were the ones doing the cleaning. They said they’d pay uș. They kept pushing uș, “keep up, keep up!”. Then they brought another shovel, a wheelbarrow and they said if anything went missing, we’d have to pay for it. We couldn’ț sleep at night, we were afraid of burglars. They said they’d call the police if anything went missing, that they hâd our personal information. Then, about 10 young boys showed up, they were students and
Păzirea ruinelor - un articol în două episoade despre gentrificare și anti-squatting () [Corola-website/Science/295768_a_297097]
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February 27th 2014, we went to meet with the Iakabs again and talked to Mărită Iakab, Sorin Murariu and Dorin Mincu. M. C.: În the summer of 2012 you were kicked ouț of Carol 53, where you hâd been staying for several weeks. Where did you go from there?</b> Dorin Mincu: I’ll tell you about Carol 53: one of them won the project, the other talked to the landlord behind our backs and we were ouț. Four of the
Păzirea ruinelor - un articol în două episoade despre gentrificare și anti-squatting () [Corola-website/Science/295768_a_297097]
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of meanings which have been attributed to that event by various social actors. At the same time, such a project can reveal the perspective of certain marginalized groups on everyday life during a certain historical period, thus opening the way for debating the selection of historical elements regarded aș relevant for historiography and questioning the dominant narrative. Issue #7 of the Gazeta de Artă Politică </b>- focusing, în its prinț version, on theatre performances from România and Moldova - aims to investigate
Apel la texte și intervenții – GAP 7: Teatrul istoriilor recente () [Corola-website/Science/295780_a_297109]
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various social actors. At the same time, such a project can reveal the perspective of certain marginalized groups on everyday life during a certain historical period, thus opening the way for debating the selection of historical elements regarded aș relevant for historiography and questioning the dominant narrative. Issue #7 of the Gazeta de Artă Politică </b>- focusing, în its prinț version, on theatre performances from România and Moldova - aims to investigate artistic projects which: - Discuss socially impactful events în recent history
Apel la texte și intervenții – GAP 7: Teatrul istoriilor recente () [Corola-website/Science/295780_a_297109]
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afterwards. She went to the nudist beaches, drank, hâd fun and, at the peak of chauvinist Ceausescu-style naționalism, even immigrated to the UȘ. After this first encounter, I hâd the distinct feeling that Nina Cassian was a woman who lived for herself and without any remorse. My second encounter with her came many years later, when, by accident, I came across her Securitate file. În all the chaos of the reading room at the Council for the Study of the Securitate
Nina Cassian: despre cum să trăiești idealul nobil al comunismului () [Corola-website/Science/295776_a_297105]
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was a woman who lived for herself and without any remorse. My second encounter with her came many years later, when, by accident, I came across her Securitate file. În all the chaos of the reading room at the Council for the Study of the Securitate Archives, I didn’ț browse only the usual files, but also over 100 pages of wiretapping from the evenings în 2 Mai. For over 10 years, Nina Cassian (“objective Miră”) was under the surveillance of
Nina Cassian: despre cum să trăiești idealul nobil al comunismului () [Corola-website/Science/295776_a_297105]
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file. În all the chaos of the reading room at the Council for the Study of the Securitate Archives, I didn’ț browse only the usual files, but also over 100 pages of wiretapping from the evenings în 2 Mai. For over 10 years, Nina Cassian (“objective Miră”) was under the surveillance of the Securitate, her manuscripts were photocopied, her phones bugged and her letters intercepted. I have no idea if the writer suspected anything or if she even cared. I
Nina Cassian: despre cum să trăiești idealul nobil al comunismului () [Corola-website/Science/295776_a_297105]
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of meanings which have been attributed to that event by various social actors. At the same time, such a project can reveal the perspective of certain marginalized groups on everyday life during a certain historical period, thus paving the way for debating the selection of historical elements regarded aș relevant for historiography and questioning the dominant narrative.
Teatrul istoriilor recente () [Corola-website/Science/295786_a_297115]
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various social actors. At the same time, such a project can reveal the perspective of certain marginalized groups on everyday life during a certain historical period, thus paving the way for debating the selection of historical elements regarded aș relevant for historiography and questioning the dominant narrative.
Teatrul istoriilor recente () [Corola-website/Science/295786_a_297115]
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the guest, Jon Onoje, ăn immigrant from Sierra Leone who hâd just become a Moldovan citizen, is ridiculed by the talk-show hosts; Blue - a socially-oriented show where 2 women from the outskirts of Kishinev protest against the building of a center for children with disabilities on their street. Indigo - the political talk-show <b>În Profunzime</b> (<b>În Depth)</b>, where three of Moldova’s political leaders burst into laughter whenever coming across the words “homosexual” or “sexual orientation” when discussing the
ROGVAIV – proiect de artă activă împotriva oricărei forme de discriminare () [Corola-website/Science/295781_a_297110]
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performare și nu există o identitate „originală” care să genereze acțiunile ce ar exprimă, teoretic, genul, acesta rămâne deschis interpretărilor și atribuirilor de sens subversive, adică resemnificărilor (n.trad.) [:en]By Judith Butler[1] “Women” aș the Subject of Feminism For the most part, feminist theory hâș assumed that there is some existing identity, understood through the category of women, who not only initiates feminist interests and goals within discourse, but constitutes the subject for whom political representation is pursued. But
Feminismul și subversiunea identității () [Corola-website/Science/295774_a_297103]
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Women” aș the Subject of Feminism For the most part, feminist theory hâș assumed that there is some existing identity, understood through the category of women, who not only initiates feminist interests and goals within discourse, but constitutes the subject for whom political representation is pursued. But politics and representation are controversial terms. On the one hand, representation serves aș the operative term within a political process that seeks to extend visibility and legitimacy to women aș political subjects; on the
Feminismul și subversiunea identității () [Corola-website/Science/295774_a_297103]
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visibility and legitimacy to women aș political subjects; on the other hand, representation is the normative function of a language which is said either to reveal or to distort what is assumed to be true about the category of women. For feminist theory, the development of a language that fully or adequately represents women hâș seemed necessary to foster the political visibility of women. This hâș seemed obviously important considering the pervasive cultural condition în which women’s lives were either
Feminismul și subversiunea identității () [Corola-website/Science/295774_a_297103]
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under challenge from within feminist discourse. The very subject of women is no longer understood în stable or abiding terms. There is a great deal of material that not only questions the viability of “the subject” aș the ultimate candidate for representation or, indeed, liberation, but there is very little agreement after all on what it is that constitutes, or ought to constitute, the category of women. The domains of political and linguistic “representation” set ouț în advance the criterion by
Feminismul și subversiunea identității () [Corola-website/Science/295774_a_297103]
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The domains of political and linguistic “representation” set ouț în advance the criterion by which subjects themselves are formed, with the result that representation is extended only to what can be acknowledged aș a subject. În other words, the qualifications for being a subject must first be met before representation can be extended. Foucault points ouț that juridical systems of power produce the subjects they subsequently come to represent. Juridical notions of power appear to regulate political life în purely negative
Feminismul și subversiunea identității () [Corola-website/Science/295774_a_297103]
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This becomes politically problematic if that system can be shown to produce gendered subjects along a differential axis of domination or to produce subjects who are presumed to be masculine. În such cases, ăn uncritical appeal to such a system for the emancipation of “women” will be clearly self-defeating. The question of “the subject” is crucial for politics, and for feminist politics în particular, because juridical subjects are invariably produced through certain exclusionary practices that do not “show” once the juridical
Feminismul și subversiunea identității () [Corola-website/Science/295774_a_297103]
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differential axis of domination or to produce subjects who are presumed to be masculine. În such cases, ăn uncritical appeal to such a system for the emancipation of “women” will be clearly self-defeating. The question of “the subject” is crucial for politics, and for feminist politics în particular, because juridical subjects are invariably produced through certain exclusionary practices that do not “show” once the juridical structure of politics hâș been established. În other words, the political construction of the subject proceeds
Feminismul și subversiunea identității () [Corola-website/Science/295774_a_297103]
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domination or to produce subjects who are presumed to be masculine. În such cases, ăn uncritical appeal to such a system for the emancipation of “women” will be clearly self-defeating. The question of “the subject” is crucial for politics, and for feminist politics în particular, because juridical subjects are invariably produced through certain exclusionary practices that do not “show” once the juridical structure of politics hâș been established. În other words, the political construction of the subject proceeds with certain legitimating
Feminismul și subversiunea identității () [Corola-website/Science/295774_a_297103]
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aș the same, unified and internally coherent? More importantly, how do these assumptions inform the discourses on “gender identity”? It would be wrong to think that the discussion of “identity” ought to proceed prior to a discussion of gender identity for the simple reason that “persons” only become intelligible through becoming gendered în conformity with recognizable standards of gender intelligibility. Sociological discussions have conventionally sought to understand the notion of the person în terms of an agency that claims ontological priority
Feminismul și subversiunea identității () [Corola-website/Science/295774_a_297103]
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meaning. Within philosophical discourse itself, the notion of “the person” hâș received analytic elaboration on the assumption that whatever social context the person is “în” remains somehow externally related to the definițional structure of personhood, be that consciousness, the capacity for language, or moral deliberation. Although that literature is not examined here, one premise of such inquiries is the focus of critical exploration and inversion. Whereas the question of what constitutes “personal identity” within philosophical accounts almost always centers on the
Feminismul și subversiunea identității () [Corola-website/Science/295774_a_297103]
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the ambiguities and incoherences within and among heterosexual, homosexual, and bisexual practices are suppressed and redescribed within the reified framework of the disjunctive and asymmetrical binary of masculine/ feminine, but that these cultural configurations of gender confusion operate aș sites for intervention, exposure, and displacement of these reifications. În other words, the “unity” of gender is the effect of a regulatory practice that seeks to render gender identity uniform through a compulsory heterosexuality. The force of this practice is, through an
Feminismul și subversiunea identității () [Corola-website/Science/295774_a_297103]
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an ongoing discursive practice, it is open to intervention and resignification. Even when gender seems to congeal into the most reified forms, the “congealing” is itself an insistent and insidious practice, sustained and regulated by various social means. It is, for Beauvoir, never possible finally to become a woman, aș if there were a telos that governs the process of acculturation and construction. Gender is the repeated stylization of the body, a set of repeated acts within a highly rigid regulatory
Feminismul și subversiunea identității () [Corola-website/Science/295774_a_297103]