35,594 matches
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all hâd been removed from schools and universities. I was studying then at one of the most high-brow high-schools în Bucharest, Gheorghe Lazăr. My great-grandfather hâd been a teacher there. În 1941, I, his grandson, was expelled from this high-school for being of Jewish origin. My father and my grandfather hâd fought în the Romanian army, they fought for the național ideal. There was no reason to discriminate against uș, other than the fact that we were Jews, which is something
„Holocaustul este referitor la evrei, dar există pericolul peste tot – pentru toată lumea.” () [Corola-website/Science/295840_a_297169]
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high-schools în Bucharest, Gheorghe Lazăr. My great-grandfather hâd been a teacher there. În 1941, I, his grandson, was expelled from this high-school for being of Jewish origin. My father and my grandfather hâd fought în the Romanian army, they fought for the național ideal. There was no reason to discriminate against uș, other than the fact that we were Jews, which is something that does not and should not be a reason for anybody. I’m telling you this șo that
„Holocaustul este referitor la evrei, dar există pericolul peste tot – pentru toată lumea.” () [Corola-website/Science/295840_a_297169]
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hâd fought în the Romanian army, they fought for the național ideal. There was no reason to discriminate against uș, other than the fact that we were Jews, which is something that does not and should not be a reason for anybody. I’m telling you this șo that you understand why I and other young people were șo angry with what was happening. [...]
„Holocaustul este referitor la evrei, dar există pericolul peste tot – pentru toată lumea.” () [Corola-website/Science/295840_a_297169]
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România hâș recently elected a new president and it is symptomatic how relevant a role - essential, even - the manipulation of the deșire of belonging to Europe hâș played în the legitimation of this presidency. Not only hâș the intellectual obsession for Europe not receded, but it is now stronger than ever. D: I agree, I think this would be the starting point. On the one hand, I believe this obsession existed before the 19th century, but the național ideal - which was
Națiune, subalternitate și dorința de Europa. O discuție despre identitate națională și nevoia apartenenței europene () [Corola-website/Science/295826_a_297155]
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the național project, aș well aș the economic and cultural policies of modernization. If we understand modernity aș an ample programmatic process of adjusting a marginal, peripheral society to Western modernity, we already see that we hâd the perfect premises for the settling în of this “deșire for Europe.” D: But I also believe it was a strategy. În the context of Ottoman and Czarist expansion, it was a political strategy. V: It was definitely a political strategy aș well. These
Națiune, subalternitate și dorința de Europa. O discuție despre identitate națională și nevoia apartenenței europene () [Corola-website/Science/295826_a_297155]
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economic and cultural policies of modernization. If we understand modernity aș an ample programmatic process of adjusting a marginal, peripheral society to Western modernity, we already see that we hâd the perfect premises for the settling în of this “deșire for Europe.” D: But I also believe it was a strategy. În the context of Ottoman and Czarist expansion, it was a political strategy. V: It was definitely a political strategy aș well. These things are complementary, after all. The idea
Națiune, subalternitate și dorința de Europa. O discuție despre identitate națională și nevoia apartenenței europene () [Corola-website/Science/295826_a_297155]
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I also believe it was a strategy. În the context of Ottoman and Czarist expansion, it was a political strategy. V: It was definitely a political strategy aș well. These things are complementary, after all. The idea that the option for Westernization is politically arbitrary is not very useful. The political elites were already în a state of subalternity în a geopolitical context, and the Romanian space was long overdue for a systemic integration. [...] [caption id="attachment 1847" align="aligncenter" width="600
Națiune, subalternitate și dorința de Europa. O discuție despre identitate națională și nevoia apartenenței europene () [Corola-website/Science/295826_a_297155]
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things are complementary, after all. The idea that the option for Westernization is politically arbitrary is not very useful. The political elites were already în a state of subalternity în a geopolitical context, and the Romanian space was long overdue for a systemic integration. [...] [caption id="attachment 1847" align="aligncenter" width="600"] Daniel Tristan - Romanian flag 1, textile, 2012 - made during the project "The Other Uș", coordonated by Veda Popovici[/caption] V: Național discourse în the Romanian context is primarily a narrative
Națiune, subalternitate și dorința de Europa. O discuție despre identitate națională și nevoia apartenenței europene () [Corola-website/Science/295826_a_297155]
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outside history and you must perform an extraordinary act to overcome your condition în order to enter history. [...] D: If we look towards other areas or to other processes of decolonization, we come across a very significant aspect: the need for a history or a mythology, no matter if it is național or not, which can be claimed, which can offer trust and legitimacy and help you regain the dignity of an autonomous subject. În Latin America, a great deal of
Națiune, subalternitate și dorința de Europa. O discuție despre identitate națională și nevoia apartenenței europene () [Corola-website/Science/295826_a_297155]
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during a discussion between Miklós/Nicolae Kallós, Ladislau/Vasile Nuszbaum, László Székely, <i>the activists from “Third Generation Buchenwald” and researchers from the UȘ Holocaust Memorial Museum, which took place în Cluj în October 2014. We thank Andrea Julika Ghiță for facilitating this discussion.</i> Most of the Romanian prisoners from Buchenwald and its adjacent camps came from Northern Transylvania. Petru Mureșan was born în 1917 în Corbu village, Renee Davidovici în 1925 în Matei village, Kallos în 1926 în Oradea
„Cred că nu e numai ţelul nostru, e interesul umanităţii.” Supravieţuitori români ai lagărului de concentrare Buchenwald () [Corola-website/Science/295842_a_297171]
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from the first wave of deportations. But aș their neighbors, friends and parents hâd been deported, the two brithers could not go back home and hâd to go to Baia Mare, pondering whether to stay în the labor câmp or look for their parents în the ghetto; eventually they were taken to the Baia Mare ghetto. The strong deșire to stay together with the family influenced the behavior and the experiences of the young deportees, shaping the image of their innocence before a
„Cred că nu e numai ţelul nostru, e interesul umanităţii.” Supravieţuitori români ai lagărului de concentrare Buchenwald () [Corola-website/Science/295842_a_297171]
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de David Schwartz MOTTO: First they came for the COMMUNISTS...[1]</a></i></b> O semnificație importantă a poemului lui Martin Niemoeller, dincolo de mesajul de solidarizare fundamental în orice confruntare cu nedreptatea, este dată chiar de pri-ma să frază, enunțarea de fapt a unui adevăr valabil pentru cvasi-totalitatea
Persecutarea activistelor și activiștilor de stânga în România înainte de 1945 () [Corola-website/Science/295829_a_297158]
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realizat de Cosmina Gușu pentru Institutul Național pentru Studierea Holocaustului din România Elie Wiesel, se găsește aici: http://www.inshr-ew.ro/media/interviuri/interviu-matei-gall [:en]By David Schwartz [...] The present text is not a historical research, nor does it aim for an exhaustive approach, but rather attempts to draw some basic directions - primarily on the basis of personal histories of progressive militants - în what concerns the way în which the political regime în interwar and wartime România treated leftist movements: from
Persecutarea activistelor și activiștilor de stânga în România înainte de 1945 () [Corola-website/Science/295829_a_297158]
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extermination of Jewish communists during World War 2. The text is not în any way attempting to draw an equivalence between political persecution and ethnic/racial persecution. The latter is fundamentally different în that the respective persons, unlike those persecuted for political beliefs, did not choose to be a part of that respective ethnicity/ “race”, but were categorized aș such by the oppressor without their consent. But în the case of interwar and especially wartime România, ethnic and political persecutions intertwined
Persecutarea activistelor și activiștilor de stânga în România înainte de 1945 () [Corola-website/Science/295829_a_297158]
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But în the case of interwar and especially wartime România, ethnic and political persecutions intertwined and overlapped. After 1924, the year the Romanian Communist Party was outlawed, persecutions against Communist militants intensified. They were usually arrested at random and beaten for activities such aș spreading Communist or antifascist manifestoes, organizing public gatherings or writing antifascist slogans on the city walls. Most of the time, simply being a supporter of the Communist movement could trigger a repressive response from the state. The
Persecutarea activistelor și activiștilor de stânga în România înainte de 1945 () [Corola-website/Science/295829_a_297158]
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within the movement. “What’s interesting is that these files tell uș that the State Security tracked, arrested and interrogated minors just like the future Communist political police would. The same documents reveal that the interwar years laid the foundation for the future repressive legislation of the communist years. Administrative internment for a certain period of time on the basis of suspicion of conducting anti-state activity was a common practice during the interwar years aș well. Another repressive provision of the
Persecutarea activistelor și activiștilor de stânga în România înainte de 1945 () [Corola-website/Science/295829_a_297158]
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uș that the State Security tracked, arrested and interrogated minors just like the future Communist political police would. The same documents reveal that the interwar years laid the foundation for the future repressive legislation of the communist years. Administrative internment for a certain period of time on the basis of suspicion of conducting anti-state activity was a common practice during the interwar years aș well. Another repressive provision of the 1936 penal code, which was valid until 1968, was article 209
Persecutarea activistelor și activiștilor de stânga în România înainte de 1945 () [Corola-website/Science/295829_a_297158]
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years în prison în August 1939 on the basis of that provision.”[ 1] A harrowing personal history is that of Communist militant Hâia Lifșiț from Kishinev. Immediately after Bessarabia came under Romanian administration, Hâia Lifșiț, a school teacher, was arrested for Communist activity and was stripped of her teaching rights. She got a job aș an unskilled laborer în a factory Throughout the 1920s, she was arrested several times for distributing Communist manifestoes. În 1928, she was arrested for the last
Persecutarea activistelor și activiștilor de stânga în România înainte de 1945 () [Corola-website/Science/295829_a_297158]
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came under Romanian administration, Hâia Lifșiț, a school teacher, was arrested for Communist activity and was stripped of her teaching rights. She got a job aș an unskilled laborer în a factory Throughout the 1920s, she was arrested several times for distributing Communist manifestoes. În 1928, she was arrested for the last time, together with a group of Communist activists. În her testimony, Hâia Lifșiț claimed that she hâd been beaten and tortured during the investigation, reaffirmed her faith în the
Persecutarea activistelor și activiștilor de stânga în România înainte de 1945 () [Corola-website/Science/295829_a_297158]
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was arrested for Communist activity and was stripped of her teaching rights. She got a job aș an unskilled laborer în a factory Throughout the 1920s, she was arrested several times for distributing Communist manifestoes. În 1928, she was arrested for the last time, together with a group of Communist activists. În her testimony, Hâia Lifșiț claimed that she hâd been beaten and tortured during the investigation, reaffirmed her faith în the Communist ideals and requested that the Romanian Communist Party
Persecutarea activistelor și activiștilor de stânga în România înainte de 1945 () [Corola-website/Science/295829_a_297158]
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investigation, reaffirmed her faith în the Communist ideals and requested that the Romanian Communist Party be allowed to become a legal entity. She was sentenced to 8 years în prison, and în 1929 went on hunger strike while în detention. For 43 days, she only accepted water and refused all solids brought to her. Her condition began to deteriorate and she passed away în prison, on August 17 1929. [...] [caption id="attachment 1854" align="aligncenter" width="600"] Leon Mișosniky, artist and antifascist
Persecutarea activistelor și activiștilor de stânga în România înainte de 1945 () [Corola-website/Science/295829_a_297158]
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european left? Perspectives on european wide emancipatory political struggles, against the background of postcolonial relations west-east-south 19:00 Social Centre CLACA The struggle of the workers of Berlin „Mall of Shame“. Since half a year ago, 7 romanian workers fight for their unpaid salaries and organize themselves în the Anarcho-Syndicalist federation FAU against the investors of the Mall of Berlin. Some of them will present and discuss the actual situation în Berlin and the general relation of labour and migration. Sunday
(English) International workshop IDEE – Ideas, Debate, Exchange, Education. Bucharest, 9-16 of May () [Corola-website/Science/295856_a_297185]
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labour and migration. Sunday, the 10th of May</b> 11:00 Obor Market food shopping and visiting a refurbished old market of Bucharest, în a (former) working class neighbourhood 13:00 Social Centre CLACA workshop: How to cook good food for a lot of people 19.00 Educațional Centre Replika “Bad children” theatre play în RO language about violence în schools (starting from a real case), with texts în EN and GE; followed by discussion Monday, the 11th of May</b
(English) International workshop IDEE – Ideas, Debate, Exchange, Education. Bucharest, 9-16 of May () [Corola-website/Science/295856_a_297185]
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Psychology and Educațional Sciences, about educațional experiences, tools and methods we have used/ use/ want to use în alternative political education 15:30 Quantic working space testing together tools and methods we want to use în our educațional actions time for preparing together the coming days and actions Wednesday, the 13th of May</b> 10:00-12.00 Faculty of Psychology and Educațional Sciences meeting with students of the pedagogy department workshops and discussions - you are welcome to prepare some! The proposals
(English) International workshop IDEE – Ideas, Debate, Exchange, Education. Bucharest, 9-16 of May () [Corola-website/Science/295856_a_297185]
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recent past narrated în our families and societies? 2) perspectives on future educațional needs, resources, opportunities, problems în România 3) educațional methods involving body movement and dance 4) comic books/ drawings aș educațional tools 15:00 Quantic working space time for preparing together the coming days and actions 19:30 Educațional Centre Replika “Born în the wrong place” political theatre play and discussion Thursday, the 14th of May</b> 10.30-12.00 “Ferdinand I” School meeting teachers who are exploring solidarity-building
(English) International workshop IDEE – Ideas, Debate, Exchange, Education. Bucharest, 9-16 of May () [Corola-website/Science/295856_a_297185]