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groups and cultures, which are much more stable than the political ones. If we accept the idea of "imaginary", "metaphorical", or "literary imperialism" as the basis of the Western representa-tions regarding communist or post-communist Eastern Europe, and as an extension of post-colonialism in this space, the use of such peculiar concepts requires adaptation to the historical and geographical characteristics. These are basically the main problems raised by the present book. In the Introduction to the volume, the author stresses the importance
Geografiile simbolice ale diferenței ideologice by CARMEN ANDRAŞ [Corola-publishinghouse/Science/947_a_2455]
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the author stresses the importance of place in the postmodern world where it has become a cultural condition. The concept is re-evaluated in relation to the most important themes of Postmodernism, Postcolonialism and the growing interest of the new area of Symbolic Geography or Cartography. There is also highlighted the distinction between the concepts of place and space: place is a space to which significance has been ascribed by being named (Carter). Places ground our sense of identity in "sets of
Geografiile simbolice ale diferenței ideologice by CARMEN ANDRAŞ [Corola-publishinghouse/Science/947_a_2455]
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become a cultural condition. The concept is re-evaluated in relation to the most important themes of Postmodernism, Postcolonialism and the growing interest of the new area of Symbolic Geography or Cartography. There is also highlighted the distinction between the concepts of place and space: place is a space to which significance has been ascribed by being named (Carter). Places ground our sense of identity in "sets of symbolic and physical associations what, or where, we mean by 'home', for example" (Sarup
Geografiile simbolice ale diferenței ideologice by CARMEN ANDRAŞ [Corola-publishinghouse/Science/947_a_2455]
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of Symbolic Geography or Cartography. There is also highlighted the distinction between the concepts of place and space: place is a space to which significance has been ascribed by being named (Carter). Places ground our sense of identity in "sets of symbolic and physical associations what, or where, we mean by 'home', for example" (Sarup). The next chapter, entitled Symbolic cartographies, imagined cartographies, invented cartographies, starts from the premise that the political, economic and philosophical carto-graphy, which was achieved by the
Geografiile simbolice ale diferenței ideologice by CARMEN ANDRAŞ [Corola-publishinghouse/Science/947_a_2455]
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objects, human knowledge and human Power, do really meet in one, and it is from ignorance of causes that operation fails". The author makes a synthesis of the new significances associated with the concept of space and to the science of geography in an interdisciplinary way. Names like Foucault, Derrida, Said, Anderson appear frequently in the course of the chapter. The next chapters, Cartographies of the Cold War, The Specters of Marx and the (de)construction of divided Europe or the
Geografiile simbolice ale diferenței ideologice by CARMEN ANDRAŞ [Corola-publishinghouse/Science/947_a_2455]
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and to the science of geography in an interdisciplinary way. Names like Foucault, Derrida, Said, Anderson appear frequently in the course of the chapter. The next chapters, Cartographies of the Cold War, The Specters of Marx and the (de)construction of divided Europe or the misery of the communist utopia, Heterotopian representa-tions between the real and imaginary localizations of Romania, Romania-the country of the anti-communist dissidence and/or the utopian country of the communist dissident dictator, Political dystopias or the reversed
Geografiile simbolice ale diferenței ideologice by CARMEN ANDRAŞ [Corola-publishinghouse/Science/947_a_2455]
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differentiation that was founded on an evident cultural and ideological reality, also inscribed on Europe's symbolic map a naturalized, biological difference, which followed the traditional West-East divide. Even communist oppression is regarded as a genetic inheritance, a necessary effect of a long history of dicta-torships and cruelties. The Western imperialism of represen-tation and knowledge is apparently inoffensive, but it becomes a very serious issue when it inspires moral and political justifications for extreme measures such as the military ones. The
Geografiile simbolice ale diferenței ideologice by CARMEN ANDRAŞ [Corola-publishinghouse/Science/947_a_2455]
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also inscribed on Europe's symbolic map a naturalized, biological difference, which followed the traditional West-East divide. Even communist oppression is regarded as a genetic inheritance, a necessary effect of a long history of dicta-torships and cruelties. The Western imperialism of represen-tation and knowledge is apparently inoffensive, but it becomes a very serious issue when it inspires moral and political justifications for extreme measures such as the military ones. The Soviet imperialism, which is a subtle, cunning and tricky form of
Geografiile simbolice ale diferenței ideologice by CARMEN ANDRAŞ [Corola-publishinghouse/Science/947_a_2455]
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colonized" satellites, such as the freedom of keeping national language as official language, but making use of apparatuses and techniques of repression (which, through their concreteness, surpass in fact the connotations of an ideological imperialism, pushing it to the limits of a real, traditional imperialism) that finally meant the colonization both of the respective countries and of the individual consciousness. Communist colonization is in fact a sort of semi-colonization owing to the powerful sense of ethnic identity in the countries of
Geografiile simbolice ale diferenței ideologice by CARMEN ANDRAŞ [Corola-publishinghouse/Science/947_a_2455]
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in fact the connotations of an ideological imperialism, pushing it to the limits of a real, traditional imperialism) that finally meant the colonization both of the respective countries and of the individual consciousness. Communist colonization is in fact a sort of semi-colonization owing to the powerful sense of ethnic identity in the countries of Eastern Europe, which was successfully exploited by such communist leaders as Ceaușescu in the aim of strengthening personal dictatorship and establishing a certain degree of independence with
Geografiile simbolice ale diferenței ideologice by CARMEN ANDRAŞ [Corola-publishinghouse/Science/947_a_2455]
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of the individual consciousness. Communist colonization is in fact a sort of semi-colonization owing to the powerful sense of ethnic identity in the countries of Eastern Europe, which was successfully exploited by such communist leaders as Ceaușescu in the aim of strengthening personal dictatorship and establishing a certain degree of independence with regard to the Soviet Union. Nationalism and communism always worked in pairs. In Steven Totosy's view "Soviet colonialism of Central and East Europe is to be understood not
Geografiile simbolice ale diferenței ideologice by CARMEN ANDRAŞ [Corola-publishinghouse/Science/947_a_2455]
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a sort of semi-colonization owing to the powerful sense of ethnic identity in the countries of Eastern Europe, which was successfully exploited by such communist leaders as Ceaușescu in the aim of strengthening personal dictatorship and establishing a certain degree of independence with regard to the Soviet Union. Nationalism and communism always worked in pairs. In Steven Totosy's view "Soviet colonialism of Central and East Europe is to be understood not only within the traditional definition of colonialism" but also
Geografiile simbolice ale diferenței ideologice by CARMEN ANDRAŞ [Corola-publishinghouse/Science/947_a_2455]
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by such communist leaders as Ceaușescu in the aim of strengthening personal dictatorship and establishing a certain degree of independence with regard to the Soviet Union. Nationalism and communism always worked in pairs. In Steven Totosy's view "Soviet colonialism of Central and East Europe is to be understood not only within the traditional definition of colonialism" but also in terms of what he defines as "'filtered colonialism', a type of colonialism that manifested itself in a secondary colonization through ideological
Geografiile simbolice ale diferenței ideologice by CARMEN ANDRAŞ [Corola-publishinghouse/Science/947_a_2455]
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a certain degree of independence with regard to the Soviet Union. Nationalism and communism always worked in pairs. In Steven Totosy's view "Soviet colonialism of Central and East Europe is to be understood not only within the traditional definition of colonialism" but also in terms of what he defines as "'filtered colonialism', a type of colonialism that manifested itself in a secondary colonization through ideological, political, social, cultural, and other means during and after forty-year period of colonialism. Filtered colonialism
Geografiile simbolice ale diferenței ideologice by CARMEN ANDRAŞ [Corola-publishinghouse/Science/947_a_2455]
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the traditional definition of colonialism" but also in terms of what he defines as "'filtered colonialism', a type of colonialism that manifested itself in a secondary colonization through ideological, political, social, cultural, and other means during and after forty-year period of colonialism. Filtered colonialism is to be understood as a result of and following primary colonization, as penetration and imprint of cultural processes and behaviour". This is the target of communist and postcommunist studies mostly concerned with the process of transition
Geografiile simbolice ale diferenței ideologice by CARMEN ANDRAŞ [Corola-publishinghouse/Science/947_a_2455]
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political, social, cultural, and other means during and after forty-year period of colonialism. Filtered colonialism is to be understood as a result of and following primary colonization, as penetration and imprint of cultural processes and behaviour". This is the target of communist and postcommunist studies mostly concerned with the process of transition from communist dictatorship to democracy. Post-communism does not mean in fact the end of communism but the transitory condition of the peoples in Central and Eastern Europe after the
Geografiile simbolice ale diferenței ideologice by CARMEN ANDRAŞ [Corola-publishinghouse/Science/947_a_2455]
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primary colonization, as penetration and imprint of cultural processes and behaviour". This is the target of communist and postcommunist studies mostly concerned with the process of transition from communist dictatorship to democracy. Post-communism does not mean in fact the end of communism but the transitory condition of the peoples in Central and Eastern Europe after the demise of the Soviet Union. The analysis is centred upon British representations of communist and post-communist Romania, which do not reflect this transitory process in
Geografiile simbolice ale diferenței ideologice by CARMEN ANDRAŞ [Corola-publishinghouse/Science/947_a_2455]
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communist dictatorship to democracy. Post-communism does not mean in fact the end of communism but the transitory condition of the peoples in Central and Eastern Europe after the demise of the Soviet Union. The analysis is centred upon British representations of communist and post-communist Romania, which do not reflect this transitory process in an explicit positive way. Almost nothing seems encouraging after the fall of communism. Romania is sometimes depicted in darker colours than before, as if doomed to be forever
Geografiile simbolice ale diferenței ideologice by CARMEN ANDRAŞ [Corola-publishinghouse/Science/947_a_2455]
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ideological background, communist Romania is a liminal space between dictatorship and liberalism, between the Soviet model and the national one, between the West, which was praising Ceaușescu and the Soviet Union that was only tolerant toward Ceaușescu's whims, images of a country torn between the dissident president and the dissident men of culture, if we try to bring together the two tendencies in representing communist Romania. The eighties seem to solve this ambivalence of the British images about Romania. It
Geografiile simbolice ale diferenței ideologice by CARMEN ANDRAŞ [Corola-publishinghouse/Science/947_a_2455]
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to bring together the two tendencies in representing communist Romania. The eighties seem to solve this ambivalence of the British images about Romania. It was neither the dissident president nor the dissident intellectuals, who prevailed, but the misery and sadness of an oppressed people. Ceaușescu's aura of liberalism, perceived mostly in his international policies, vanished. Even the British observers with socialist views had to admit that the system was not perfect, in Romania at least, once it could give birth
Geografiile simbolice ale diferenței ideologice by CARMEN ANDRAŞ [Corola-publishinghouse/Science/947_a_2455]
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representing communist Romania. The eighties seem to solve this ambivalence of the British images about Romania. It was neither the dissident president nor the dissident intellectuals, who prevailed, but the misery and sadness of an oppressed people. Ceaușescu's aura of liberalism, perceived mostly in his international policies, vanished. Even the British observers with socialist views had to admit that the system was not perfect, in Romania at least, once it could give birth to such monsters. It was written in
Geografiile simbolice ale diferenței ideologice by CARMEN ANDRAŞ [Corola-publishinghouse/Science/947_a_2455]
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this tendency toward tyranny and dictatorship, would suggest some travellers and writers in post-communist Romania, disillusioned by the cruel realities of transition. And nevertheless, the Romanians met in the streets and on the country roads are such an exotic mixture of rudeness and childish kindness, so helpful and hospitable, so passionate and irrational! Nothing is what it seems in Romania either because the travellers are well prepared and advised at home what and how to see or because their ideological orientation
Geografiile simbolice ale diferenței ideologice by CARMEN ANDRAŞ [Corola-publishinghouse/Science/947_a_2455]
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are well prepared and advised at home what and how to see or because their ideological orientation is marking the representations about the Other. Or just because they are not prepared to understand what they see. To understand the peoples of Central and Eastern Europe would mean for Western observers to understand the complexity of their histories, cultures, and identities. Could it be that its nihilism, immorality and chaotic (des-) organization, reflected ironically in dystopian literary works, make Romania incomprehensible, both
Geografiile simbolice ale diferenței ideologice by CARMEN ANDRAŞ [Corola-publishinghouse/Science/947_a_2455]
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their ideological orientation is marking the representations about the Other. Or just because they are not prepared to understand what they see. To understand the peoples of Central and Eastern Europe would mean for Western observers to understand the complexity of their histories, cultures, and identities. Could it be that its nihilism, immorality and chaotic (des-) organization, reflected ironically in dystopian literary works, make Romania incomprehensible, both in communist and post-communist hypostases? Anyway, these symbolic cartographies, either based on real travel
Geografiile simbolice ale diferenței ideologice by CARMEN ANDRAŞ [Corola-publishinghouse/Science/947_a_2455]
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319462 Fax: 0232/230197 • euroedit@hotmail.com http: //www.euroinst.ro 1 Erica Carter, James Donald, Judith Squires (editori), Space and Place. Theories of Identity and Location, Lawrence and Wishart, London, 1993, p. XII. Vezi și Peter Brooker, A Glossary of Cultural Theory, Arnold, London, 2003, p. 204. 2 Madan Sarup, Identity, Culture and the Postmodern World, Edinburgh University Press, Edinburgh, 1996. 3 Edward W. Soja, Postmodern Geographies: the Reassertion of Space in Critical Social Theory, Verso, London, 1989, pp. 10-11
Geografiile simbolice ale diferenței ideologice by CARMEN ANDRAŞ [Corola-publishinghouse/Science/947_a_2455]