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of cultural patronage, their bid for open political support\depended on an economic argument. The advice that Mayor Lindsay's aides gave them was "to show our worth în terms of money. Some of the artists balked," an activist says, "but the rest of uș came up with statistics on art employment, tourism, supplies- numbers the commission could understand.'' În this discussion, Art evidently yielded to the arts economy. "When we worked for the zoning changes we never talked aesthetics," another
De la producția artistică la piața imobiliară () [Corola-website/Science/295756_a_297085]
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such aș “urban regeneration”, “reconversion”, “development” or “well-being”. The Romanian context is especially familiar with the third wave of gentrification, which is visible în Bucharest în the Old Center. Here, however, the focus will be on a less intricate phenomenon, but one which I feel is representative for what appears to be a future process of active coupling of the art scene to the interests of real estate capital: Train Delivery and Rahova Delivery. The two episodes of the Street Delivery
Livrarea orașului la picioarele capitalului: gentrificare și (in)ofensivitatea artei în București. () [Corola-website/Science/295758_a_297087]
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drug dealing, a large community of adult homeless persons etc.) - hâș been a space of social and political tensions typical for Bucharest în recent years. A relevant example would be the debates surrounding the resistance to the urban project Berzei-Buzesti, but the key element în this situation is proximity to Piața Victoriei, a political center (the Government building) aș well aș an economic one (several big banks are located there). The controversial Berzei-Buzesti project offers a great opportunity to demolish a
Livrarea orașului la picioarele capitalului: gentrificare și (in)ofensivitatea artei în București. () [Corola-website/Science/295758_a_297087]
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end, with small houses and an internațional bus station around them, and Hala Matache, the heart of the neighborhood, at the other end. After the conversion, the street becomes the waiting room of the gentrification process and of the slow, but steady march of the office buildings towards Gară de Nord. În this context, the Street Delivery franchise expanded to other areas: the Train Delivery festival, about “creative people reinventing Gară de Nord”[3]</a>, a complex place where “many people
Livrarea orașului la picioarele capitalului: gentrificare și (in)ofensivitatea artei în București. () [Corola-website/Science/295758_a_297087]
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you tell me more about the organization methods and actions of the World Cup Popular Committee în Sao Paulo? This Committee is made up of a network of movements and groups, from anarchist groups to political parties and civic movements. But the Committee itself functions on the basis of autonomous principles and is not connected to any particular institution or party. During the last year, we’ve organized several large-scale protests, one during the draw for the group stages and others
„74 de comunități urmează să fie evacuate din cauza Cupei Mondiale” () [Corola-website/Science/295764_a_297093]
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Cup of Social Movements - a football tournament which we organized on the land where the municipality demolished the old bus station to build a disco. They have been trying to gentrify the center of the city for over 20 years, but the resistance movement is very strong - Sao Paulo is probably the only major city în relatively wealthy countries where the center hâș yet to be gentrified. We organized this tournament în which 32 teams took part and there were also
„74 de comunități urmează să fie evacuate din cauza Cupei Mondiale” () [Corola-website/Science/295764_a_297093]
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Sao Paulo hâș 74 communities living în the proximity of stadiums and have been or are soon to be evicted because of the World Cup. The government claims only 6 families have been evacuated în order to renovate the stadium, but we know there are many more communities affected by the gentrification în the eastern part of the city, a traditionally impoverished area, where this process hâș been accelerated since 2007, when Brazil officially became the host of the World Cup
„74 de comunități urmează să fie evacuate din cauza Cupei Mondiale” () [Corola-website/Science/295764_a_297093]
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eviction plan which we submitted to the municipality. And how did they react? We didn’ț receive an answer. Only this year did the government begin to fake interest în a dialogue with the resistance movement, after all the protests. But they’re only pretending, there is no real conversation. After repeatedly trying to communicate with the government, the 12 Popular Committees în the 12 host cities issued a common statement: we refuse to negotiate any longer. These are our demands
„74 de comunități urmează să fie evacuate din cauza Cupei Mondiale” () [Corola-website/Science/295764_a_297093]
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front of the house - he was 6 years-old back then - and he went with those people without asking permission. He was în the courtyard of the pub, playing. When he saw me coming after him, he was embarrassed and scared, but I was even more scared because I couldn’ț find him. I thought they stole my kid (laughing). And I remember it was Maria, Bogdan, you, and I started picking on Maria, I think. I told her I wasn’ț
Evacuați, artiști și agenți ai gentrificării: Proiectele din Rahova-Uranus / Interviu cu Cristina Eremia () [Corola-website/Science/295760_a_297089]
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university students and I was a bit more relaxed after talking to them. Then they did a workshop here at E-Uranus, across the street. And they came to ask me if Claudiu, my son, could come. I said “OK, but I’m coming with him.” I wanted to see what they were doing. I think they appreciated the fact that a parent was coming along to see what the kids were doing. And I saw that they were drawing and
Evacuați, artiști și agenți ai gentrificării: Proiectele din Rahova-Uranus / Interviu cu Cristina Eremia () [Corola-website/Science/295760_a_297089]
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and șo on. I mean, I thought it was only normal for the artists to get paid for their work. What was the community’s relationship with E-Uranus and The Ark, considering that they did help with certain projects, but on the other hand, they are precisely the ones who benefit most from the evacuation of the community? I could say we have a lovely, but non-existent relationship with Doru Frollu [the owner of The Ark]. I think I first
Evacuați, artiști și agenți ai gentrificării: Proiectele din Rahova-Uranus / Interviu cu Cristina Eremia () [Corola-website/Science/295760_a_297089]
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with E-Uranus and The Ark, considering that they did help with certain projects, but on the other hand, they are precisely the ones who benefit most from the evacuation of the community? I could say we have a lovely, but non-existent relationship with Doru Frollu [the owner of The Ark]. I think I first met him în 2008. He came to several events at our community center, but also to other events organized at the Museum of Contemporary Art and
Evacuați, artiști și agenți ai gentrificării: Proiectele din Rahova-Uranus / Interviu cu Cristina Eremia () [Corola-website/Science/295760_a_297089]
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the evacuation of the community? I could say we have a lovely, but non-existent relationship with Doru Frollu [the owner of The Ark]. I think I first met him în 2008. He came to several events at our community center, but also to other events organized at the Museum of Contemporary Art and Eden Club. I know there are various events taking place at The Ark. None of uș were ever invited and I know we are constantly avoided. He doesn
Evacuați, artiști și agenți ai gentrificării: Proiectele din Rahova-Uranus / Interviu cu Cristina Eremia () [Corola-website/Science/295760_a_297089]
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and that I was losing money. I hâd to eat something. They told uș to trust them. They promised they would let uș stay if we worked hard enough. We worked really hard, they used to come and hurry uș. But we worked 3 days for nothing, just because we trusted them when they said they wouldn’ț throw uș ouț. No tools, no gloves, no nothing. And the rats were big. They’d bite your legs if you weren’ț
Păzirea ruinelor - un articol în două episoade despre gentrificare și anti-squatting () [Corola-website/Science/295768_a_297097]
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a project șo that others would come see their work and not have to pay rent. A. S.:</b> <b><i>How long were you here with the students?</i></b> S. M.: About a month. They fitted the place with plumbing, but it broke down. A week before they kicked uș ouț, they brought în a toilet. Then Gabi, the foreman, said the landlord hâd come back from abroad and we have one week left. Matei said we couldn’ț stay any
Păzirea ruinelor - un articol în două episoade despre gentrificare și anti-squatting () [Corola-website/Science/295768_a_297097]
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her came many years later, when, by accident, I came across her Securitate file. În all the chaos of the reading room at the Council for the Study of the Securitate Archives, I didn’ț browse only the usual files, but also over 100 pages of wiretapping from the evenings în 2 Mai. For over 10 years, Nina Cassian (“objective Miră”) was under the surveillance of the Securitate, her manuscripts were photocopied, her phones bugged and her letters intercepted. I have
Nina Cassian: despre cum să trăiești idealul nobil al comunismului () [Corola-website/Science/295776_a_297105]
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dissident would not have suited her. Reading the file is a fun endeavor not only because one can easily imagine the fascination the investigating officer hâd with the poet - an officer extremely careful with the details regarding her private life - but also because the informants were prepared to go to any lengths to please their boss or even shared his fascination. This combination resulted în the poet being associated not only with flirting that actually took place, but also with lesbian
Nina Cassian: despre cum să trăiești idealul nobil al comunismului () [Corola-website/Science/295776_a_297105]
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her private life - but also because the informants were prepared to go to any lengths to please their boss or even shared his fascination. This combination resulted în the poet being associated not only with flirting that actually took place, but also with lesbian affairs, flings with fishermen or hanky-panky with complete strangers. Nothing spectacular about the summers în 2 Mai, either. The intelligentsia carried on with its usual get-togethers, complaining about Party connections, low supply of paper, scarce finances and
Nina Cassian: despre cum să trăiești idealul nobil al comunismului () [Corola-website/Science/295776_a_297105]
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By Judith Butler[1] “Women” aș the Subject of Feminism For the most part, feminist theory hâș assumed that there is some existing identity, understood through the category of women, who not only initiates feminist interests and goals within discourse, but constitutes the subject for whom political representation is pursued. But politics and representation are controversial terms. On the one hand, representation serves aș the operative term within a political process that seeks to extend visibility and legitimacy to women aș
Feminismul și subversiunea identității () [Corola-website/Science/295774_a_297103]
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For the most part, feminist theory hâș assumed that there is some existing identity, understood through the category of women, who not only initiates feminist interests and goals within discourse, but constitutes the subject for whom political representation is pursued. But politics and representation are controversial terms. On the one hand, representation serves aș the operative term within a political process that seeks to extend visibility and legitimacy to women aș political subjects; on the other hand, representation is the normative
Feminismul și subversiunea identității () [Corola-website/Science/295774_a_297103]
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discourse. The very subject of women is no longer understood în stable or abiding terms. There is a great deal of material that not only questions the viability of “the subject” aș the ultimate candidate for representation or, indeed, liberation, but there is very little agreement after all on what it is that constitutes, or ought to constitute, the category of women. The domains of political and linguistic “representation” set ouț în advance the criterion by which subjects themselves are formed
Feminismul și subversiunea identității () [Corola-website/Science/295774_a_297103]
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represent. Juridical notions of power appear to regulate political life în purely negative terms—that is, through the limitation, prohibition, regulation, control, and even “protection” of individuals related to that political structure through the contingent and retractable operation of choice. But the subjects regulated by such structures are, by virtue of being subjected to them, formed, defined, and reproduced în accordance with the requirements of those structures. If this analysis is right, then the juridical formation of language and politics that
Feminismul și subversiunea identității () [Corola-website/Science/295774_a_297103]
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than a descriptive feature of experience? And how do the regulatory practices that govern gender also govern culturally intelligible notions of identity? În other words, the “coherence” and “continuity” of “the person” are not logical or analytic features of personhood, but, rather, socially instituted and maintained norms of intelligibility. Inasmuch aș “identity” is assured through the stabilizing concepts of sex, gender, and sexuality, the very notion of “the person” is called into question by the cultural emergence of those “incoherent” or
Feminismul și subversiunea identității () [Corola-website/Science/295774_a_297103]
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Inasmuch aș “identity” is assured through the stabilizing concepts of sex, gender, and sexuality, the very notion of “the person” is called into question by the cultural emergence of those “incoherent” or “discontinuous” gendered beings who appear to be persons but who fail to conform to the gendered norms of cultural intelligibility by which persons are defined. “Intelligible” genders are those which în some sense institute and maintain relations of coherence and continuity among sex, gender, sexual practice, and deșire. În
Feminismul și subversiunea identității () [Corola-website/Science/295774_a_297103]
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site of the denaturalization and mobilization of gender categories. The replication of heterosexual constructs în non-heterosexual frames brings into relief the utterly constructed status of the so-called heterosexual original. Thus, gay is to straight not aș copy is to original, but, rather, aș copy is to copy. The parodic repetition of “the original,” discussed în the final sections of chapter 3 of this text, reveals the original to be nothing other than a parody of the idea of the natural and
Feminismul și subversiunea identității () [Corola-website/Science/295774_a_297103]