3,804 matches
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very constructs by which they are mobilized? Consider not only that the ambiguities and incoherences within and among heterosexual, homosexual, and bisexual practices are suppressed and redescribed within the reified framework of the disjunctive and asymmetrical binary of masculine/ feminine, but that these cultural configurations of gender confusion operate aș sites for intervention, exposure, and displacement of these reifications. În other words, the “unity” of gender is the effect of a regulatory practice that seeks to render gender identity uniform through
Feminismul și subversiunea identității () [Corola-website/Science/295774_a_297103]
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repetition is bound to persist aș the mechanism of the cultural reproduction of identities, then the crucial question emerges: What kind of subversive repetition might call into question the regulatory practice of identity itself? [...] “One is not born a woman, but rather becomes one.” (Simone de Beauvoir) If there is something right în Beauvoir’s clăim that one is not born, but rather becomes a woman, it follows that woman itself is a term în process, a becoming, a constructing that
Feminismul și subversiunea identității () [Corola-website/Science/295774_a_297103]
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of subversive repetition might call into question the regulatory practice of identity itself? [...] “One is not born a woman, but rather becomes one.” (Simone de Beauvoir) If there is something right în Beauvoir’s clăim that one is not born, but rather becomes a woman, it follows that woman itself is a term în process, a becoming, a constructing that cannot rightfully be said to originate or to end. Aș an ongoing discursive practice, it is open to intervention and resignification
Feminismul și subversiunea identității () [Corola-website/Science/295774_a_297103]
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gender equality. However, according to Natasha Walters, this discourse originates în the hypersexualization of feminine identity aș a basis of consumer society and of the reproduction of patriarchal domination. The woman-as-object sells. And not only does it sell other objects, but also aspirations, needs, values, identities and behaviors. The media and visual arts will be the first to represent and praise this newly-discovered identity. “The liberation which causes the most enjoyment is the sexual kind. Women tend to be the first
Patriarhatul, mașina de vise. Metamorfoză și hipersexualizare () [Corola-website/Science/295778_a_297107]
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liberation which causes the most enjoyment is the sexual kind. Women tend to be the first to adopt the change, the adjective liberated being assimilated with the modern woman.”[ 1] Modernity is therefore conditioned by the adoption of this discourse. But to what extent can we clăim that empowering women means sexualizing them? Is this discourse of hypersexualization a genuine form of empowering and liberating women or just a means of reinforcing the patriarchy through the illusion of freedom it provides
Patriarhatul, mașina de vise. Metamorfoză și hipersexualizare () [Corola-website/Science/295778_a_297107]
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individual identity, aș well aș our social one, and the ultimate and most profitable means of selling is female sexuality aș a consumption item. The woman thus becomes a central element of consumer society, though not aș an active agent, but aș a trophy, aș a supreme object of male pleasure. The domination of hypersexualization and the hegemony of the cult of female sexuality thus become a discourse of consumerism, which promises the emancipation of women and the satisfaction of mân
Patriarhatul, mașina de vise. Metamorfoză și hipersexualizare () [Corola-website/Science/295778_a_297107]
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trophy, aș a supreme object of male pleasure. The domination of hypersexualization and the hegemony of the cult of female sexuality thus become a discourse of consumerism, which promises the emancipation of women and the satisfaction of mân’s desires. But the promised emancipation is to be found, for women, only în the realm of seduction, of sexuality aș a means of success, aș an ideal which is worth any sacrifice. The obsession with a fulfilling feminine sexuality aș an essential
Patriarhatul, mașina de vise. Metamorfoză și hipersexualizare () [Corola-website/Science/295778_a_297107]
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title, 2014.[/caption] Women’s agency exists, therefore, only within this hegemonic identity and seldom outside it. The discourse of women’s empowerment by means of embracing the hypersexualized “emancipatory” identity urges women to be “masters of their own status, but never question it.”[3] The politics of seduction is therefore “one of the means by which society perpetuates male sexual domination and makes women passive,”[4] creating two poles of identity: the woman-object of deșire versus the male-subject, ăn active
Patriarhatul, mașina de vise. Metamorfoză și hipersexualizare () [Corola-website/Science/295778_a_297107]
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something accessible to everyone, thanks to consumerism, and is the ideal way to represent the emancipated woman. To be beautiful nowadays hâș the connotation of a moral virtue. It is the first and most important step towards “reconnecting with yourself.” But without questioning it, the self remains a product of social influence, and this reconnecting will most likely remain a “guideline” for what the female self must be like within this mechanism. The objectification of women, although currently present under new
Patriarhatul, mașina de vise. Metamorfoză și hipersexualizare () [Corola-website/Science/295778_a_297107]
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the woman rests în her own beauty, caught up în her own complacency.”[7] The woman’s attractiveness represents the supreme blessing which exempts her from the “burden” of an active, creative status: “She is not capable of creating beauty, but she embodies it.”[8]</a> [...] [1] Isabel de la Torre, M. Ortega, J.Sebastian, El trazo y la palabra. Humorismo grafico y estereotipos sociales de mujeres, ” Las mujeres en la opinion publică”, Inst. Univ. De Estudios de la Mujer, 1995, p. 35
Patriarhatul, mașina de vise. Metamorfoză și hipersexualizare () [Corola-website/Science/295778_a_297107]
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notice the development of radical left-wing positions based on intersectionality, which aim to connect the struggle for women’s rights and for sexual and gender minorities with anti-racist and anticapitalist positions. În România, feminist ideas surfaced în the 19th century, but în the absence of a powerful, radical feminist movement, women’s place în society hâș continued to be violently regulated by patriarchal structures even after 1989. At the same time, the public presence of LGBT communities is still în its
Artă, gen, sexualitate () [Corola-website/Science/295787_a_297116]
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b>Ro Q Doc</b>, dedicated to queer documentaries.</i> Where did you grow up? I was born în 1958, on Petre Țină street, în Tudor Vladimirescu neighborhood, a proletarian neighborhood, close to “23 August” stadium. The street still exists, but the house I was born and raised în is gone. They demolished it în 1965. It was a lovely house. My grandma was a seamstress for the royal army. My mother was a worker and my father was a welder
„A fi gay este un act politic, este o declarație de emancipare eminamente politică.” () [Corola-website/Science/295779_a_297108]
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is that we don’ț really have a gay community în România. That’s because we, în România, have no culture of political activism. Being gay is a political act. It is a politically emancipating statement. There are many homosexuals, but there are few gays. And even fewer queers. Do you notice the nuances? One is about what I do. What do I do? I’m a homosexual. Who am I? I’m gay. That’s the difference. În România, this
„A fi gay este un act politic, este o declarație de emancipare eminamente politică.” () [Corola-website/Science/295779_a_297108]
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PhD dissertation. The academic discourse doesn’ț suit me, I find it much more difficult to engage în it. You need to have references, you can’ț speculate too much. And I hâd ideas which I couldn’ț fully argue, but I hâd a gut feeling that’s how things were. This was what I wanted to show. Besides, my topic was the manea (turbo-folk) and I hâd loads of observations which hâd nothing to do with that and I couldn
„E un soi de ură de sine” () [Corola-website/Science/295777_a_297106]
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was what drove me, beyond Ferentari: to show that somehow those people were not that different; that the whole of Romanian society was “new money”. It’s not only they who are caught up în this - making heaps of money - but the entire Romanian society is after money. Just like the whole bragging thing. În fact, all Romanians are now centered on showing off, conspicuous consumption and in-your-face display, except they take different forms, more hypocritical ones. I mean, în the
„E un soi de ură de sine” () [Corola-website/Science/295777_a_297106]
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re too effeminate, it’s harder to find a date than if you were more macho. Șo many play the macho card, especially after a certain age. When you’re young and handsome, it’s easier to be more girlish, but after a certain age, you’re just physically unable to pull it off anymore. And it’s a world where physical appearance matters a lot. I feel it’s a lot tougher than în the straight world, where people get
„E un soi de ură de sine” () [Corola-website/Science/295777_a_297106]
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matter anymore, you can get fâț, you can... When you have no family, no nothing, you have to be fit all the time and look young. If you start losing your touch, you try to compensate by acting more macho. But beyond this, there still is a sort of macho complex which I also have and I think many în this world have. And I tried to get over this complex în the novel and said “Fuck it, my character is
„E un soi de ură de sine” () [Corola-website/Science/295777_a_297106]
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I pushed it too much.” Maybe for the shock effect, I don’ț know. I thought “Wouldn’ț it have been great if he’d said homosexuals were his sisters?”, în the sense that they’re all în this together, but he can’ț be attracted to them, they lack credibility aș men and he just sees them aș sisters. This would have been the best way, but I didn’ț take it. Instead, I psychologized this whole thing and tried
„E un soi de ură de sine” () [Corola-website/Science/295777_a_297106]
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were his sisters?”, în the sense that they’re all în this together, but he can’ț be attracted to them, they lack credibility aș men and he just sees them aș sisters. This would have been the best way, but I didn’ț take it. Instead, I psychologized this whole thing and tried to explain his homophobia, which was wrong. I think I somehow screwed up this part. I was a bit of a douche-bag for emphasizing this aspect. I
„E un soi de ură de sine” () [Corola-website/Science/295777_a_297106]
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of homophobia? It’s internalized. It’s internalized homophobia. Nowadays, if you’re born în an urban area, în a middle class family, people are somehow more tolerant of homosexuality and you don’ț end up hating yourself for it. But I went through a really rough period. The 90s were... They were unreal. People were shouting ouț their homophobia. În the media, the homosexual was the archetypal “Romanian criminal”, there was a newspaper publishing all sorts of dubious stuff, it
„E un soi de ură de sine” () [Corola-website/Science/295777_a_297106]
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Besides, I was “în the closet” until I was 25-26, șo people would consider me straight and they would be very open about their hatred of gays. And you end up identifying with the homophobic opinions without even realizing it. But I think it’s a sort of self-loathing. You’ve also been accused of racist fetishizing. How do you reply to that? I didn’ț mean to fetishize anything. I lived there for 4 years. This is actually annoying, because
„E un soi de ură de sine” () [Corola-website/Science/295777_a_297106]
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entity hâș remained în the collective imaginary and the recent history of România. Only after I began living outside it did it become obvious to me that the names of the specific cities which make it up are less familiar. But the phrase “Jiu Valley” transmits familiarity; not șo much a spațial one aș one of historical temporality marked by change. A sort of cliché symbol for the regime change of 1989-90 and a touchstone în reverse for the progress made
Despre performarea realităților din Valea Jiului în teatrul SubPământ () [Corola-website/Science/295797_a_297126]
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decorum charges the stories emotionally. The affective vibrations embedded în the stories make them more powerful, more memorable and therefore more resistant to erasure from memory. The need for a structure to coagulate all the stories meaningfully poses obvious problems, but framing them aș part of a museum is somewhat questionable. The life of the locals hâș no doubt been shaped by the evolution of mining, and the pit closures have disrupted forms of sociability and practices which supported ways of
Despre performarea realităților din Valea Jiului în teatrul SubPământ () [Corola-website/Science/295797_a_297126]
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is, în fact, a viral suffering, with jolts of alcohol-induced fever, discussions about politics and the future (yours, ours, that of the future couple, the company or the country). The routine “grandpa went to jail, he was a well-off peasant, but he was hard-working and he hâd a bit more land” is well-known, we tell it again and again to every curious stranger, we tell it to each other simulating compassion and letting everyone know we’re the good guys. Yes
Teatrul istoriei recente: o scenă cu bunici () [Corola-website/Science/295804_a_297133]
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Communist strikers, Romă dispossessed of their gold and horses, gay grandparents, Jewish, Hungarian or German grandparents affected by Ceaușescu’s ethnic naționalism. These stories are not just too extreme to fit with the official history (which some of uș teach), but în all honesty, these stories are too uncomfortable and ambiguous even for our time. Every now and then, another challenge comes up în the cultural sphere of Bucharest - a lesson în alternative history which attempts to prove that not all
Teatrul istoriei recente: o scenă cu bunici () [Corola-website/Science/295804_a_297133]