3,383 matches
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and protection. This attitude is of great importance în the 21st century, when the external policies of the states, especially în relation to the global agenda (climate changes, relation to the environment), but also with large transnațional corporations, must reflect more and more responsibility to nature, therefore they must adopt a strong național and global ecological side (derived from the concept of "environment security", "human security", "food security", all being interconnected, and regarding the man-nature relationship). Overall, the Chinese culture is
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This attitude is of great importance în the 21st century, when the external policies of the states, especially în relation to the global agenda (climate changes, relation to the environment), but also with large transnațional corporations, must reflect more and more responsibility to nature, therefore they must adopt a strong național and global ecological side (derived from the concept of "environment security", "human security", "food security", all being interconnected, and regarding the man-nature relationship). Overall, the Chinese culture is defined through
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non-violence). The ethical element, together with the concept of harmonious (internațional) society become important aspects of China's external policy în the 21st century, leading to the development of certain paths of thinking and internațional diplomatic action, meant to provide more stability, peace and cooperation for peace, among the nations, at the beginning of the 21st century. By settling differences, harmony (he) is different from uniformity (tong), aș it is capable of accepting new things and create new cultural and dialogue
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buzhan ersheng" strategy, "the art of winning without fighting 52"), connected to the political theory of the "window of opportunity" open for Chină în the contemporary internațional relations. Some conclusions The complex concept of Peaceful Assertion/Rising of Chină includes more and more the proactive cultural component (foundation of Confucius institutes, of centres teaching Chinese, familiarization of partners of Chinese corporations with the cultural values of Chină, intensification of relations of cultural cooperation with other countries, active support given to Chinese
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strategy, "the art of winning without fighting 52"), connected to the political theory of the "window of opportunity" open for Chină în the contemporary internațional relations. Some conclusions The complex concept of Peaceful Assertion/Rising of Chină includes more and more the proactive cultural component (foundation of Confucius institutes, of centres teaching Chinese, familiarization of partners of Chinese corporations with the cultural values of Chină, intensification of relations of cultural cooperation with other countries, active support given to Chinese communities în
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Shi. Strategic Studies Institute, 2004, p. 6, www.stra tegicstudiesinstitute.army.mil/psffiles/PUB378/pdf 20 NCS, regarded by the Chinese officials aș a universally valid concept, applicable progressively, the same aș The Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence. It is more than a simple use of word, it is the reimplementation of the conception according to which "the purpose of the security policy should be that of maintaining an extremely peaceful internațional environment, în view of development". NCS connects to the
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lumea din afara ei, op.cit., pp. 216-217. 36 According to the doctrine, the concept of "harmonious world", launched by president Hun Jintao, în 2005, intends to state China's engagement for global peace and stability and the wish to create a more just and fair internațional system. Also see Tatyana Flegontova, Peaceful Rise of Chină: Greater Chină Strategy, Geopolitică, year X, nr. 44-45 (1/2012), p. 216. 37 Alejandro Colás, Empire, Polity Press, UȘA, 2008, pp. 116-117. 38 Anna Eva Budura, op.
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Strategic Concept, Shi. Strategic Studies Institute, 2004, p. 6, www.strategicstudiesinstitute.army.mil/psffiles/PUB378/pdf 21NCS, regarded by the Chinese officials aș a universally valid concept, applicable progressively, the same aș The Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence. It is more than a simple use of words, it is the reimplementation of the conception according to which "the purpose of the security policy should be that of maintaining an extremely peaceful internațional environment, în view of development". NCS connects to the
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cu lumea din afara ei, op.cit., pp. 216-217. 37According to the doctrine, the concept of "harmonious world", launched by president Hun Jintao, în 2005, intends to state China's engagement for global peace and stability and the wish to create a more just and fair internațional system. Also see Tatyana Flegontova, Peaceful Rise of Chină: Greater Chină Strategy, Geopolitică, year X, nr. 44-45 (1/2012), p. 216 38Alejandro Colás, Empire, Polity Press, UȘA, 2008, pp. 116-117. 39Anna Eva Budura, op. cît., pp.
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the need to take up again the study of a classic, the fame of which, at this point, is fully admitted în the context of the political tradition of English republicanism aș well. The need to broaden the view even more generously over this author corresponds to the need of offering a thorough interpretation of English history, justified by the happy union between the religious and civil dimension and by the presence, în Milton's work, of fundamental elements of the
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of the religious sphere, în his experience, weighs both on the fact of making the belligerent and liberating act of the regicide topical again and on the historical process of the civil construction, and of the ways of representing it. More specifically, for the research which is planned to be developed here, it will be interesting to verify to what extent the sense and the writing of the works of an author such aș Machiavelli, who embodies the most accomplished essence
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of the relationship between the individual and the religious authority, în the peculiarity of that political climate uncertain between the mood of "radicalism" and the one of the so-called "elitist republicanism" and în which the circulation of Machiavelli is even more intense. The background of Milton's experience is an historical landscape which undergoes deep changes and în which - aș documented by Christopher Hill - the issues concerning the decline of the model of the monarchy for divine right can be found
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the religious effect weighs both on the forms of the violent act of regicide, a topic which according to Mario D'Addio makes Milton the follower of a tradition of authors committed to the same theme 7, and on the more complex dimension of the quality of the civil construction. When the concept of sovereignty takes on the characteristic of tyranny, the criticism against it emerges with strength already în the pages of the treatise The Tenure of Kings and Magistrates
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with the Dante of the Purgatory. Insisting on the sense of the quotation of Discorsi I, 1017, Milton writes: "Machiavelli declares that the most highly praised of all mortals are those who imbue the minds of mân with true religion; more șo even that those who, however admirably, have founded kingdoms and republic by human laws"18. From what he writes, not only does Milton's admiration emerge for those who were able to imbue în the societas the sense of
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dialogue or of a comparison between the author of Paradise Lost and the Florentine. A general idea of Milton's reception of some of Machiavelli's passages, taken from the Discorsi and from the Arte della Guerra, could be drawn more immediately by focusing the attention on the recurrence în the Book of Commonplace and gathered from 1639. The quotations of Machiavelli which are present în this sort of "Zibaldone" of thoughts and notes are 19 în all: 2 are from
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Machiavelli which are present în this sort of "Zibaldone" of thoughts and notes are 19 în all: 2 are from Arte della Guerra, 17 from the Discorsi. Not few of these latter concern the religious topic 24; others concern the more directly political reasoning în favor of the model of the republican government, some insist upon the theme of war or military practice. The passages taken from Discorsi ÎI, 10 are two and one is taken from Discorsi ÎI, 19. În
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s question on the reasons of the superiority of those men who come from republics compared to those coming from kingdoms, Milton writes the quotation from the ÎI book: "A Commonwealth is to be preferred to a monarchy. Why do more excellent men come from republics than from kingdoms? Because în the former virtue (force) is honored while în the latter it is feared"27. Two of Machiavelli's meaningful statements on the figure of the sovereign, contained în the section
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58. l. I discors, et l. 3. c. 34. ubi disserit minus errare rempublicam quam principem în eligendis magistratibus suiș aut ministries"30; similarly, recalling Discorsi I, 59 Milton states that a republican state at war proves to be a more loyal ally than a monarchic one31. A further reference of great interest to Milton is indicated by the passage taken from Discorsi III, 1; from the chapter entitled A volere che una sètta o una Republică viva lungamente, è necessario
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according to whom "The Englishman attended not at all to the Florentine's critique of priestcraft"36. The theme would require an extensive treatment: however în this circumstance, it is useful to remember how în the anticlerical polemic and even more în the attacks on "false religion" and on superstitious beliefs, Milton actually prefers to refer to other classics of his library, above all Lucretius, even though he shares with Machiavelli and the Italian civil culture (Dante, Petrarch, Ariosto) the sense
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and authority. The lack of reference to the book Îl Principe comes aș no surprise în this kind of picture. În May 1641, în the pages of the essay Of Reformation, Milton wrote: "[...] there is no art that hath been more cankered în her principles, more soiled and slubbered with aphorisming pedantry, than the art of policy; and that most, where a mân would think should least be, în Christian commonwealths"37. The poet seems not to confide în statesmanship, considered
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reference to the book Îl Principe comes aș no surprise în this kind of picture. În May 1641, în the pages of the essay Of Reformation, Milton wrote: "[...] there is no art that hath been more cankered în her principles, more soiled and slubbered with aphorisming pedantry, than the art of policy; and that most, where a mân would think should least be, în Christian commonwealths"37. The poet seems not to confide în statesmanship, considered aș a set of rules
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Cicero and De Officiis în particular for specific remedies. He also sees the solution to a political crisis aș residing în the cultivation of virtue, the point of which în turn is to ensure that individuals will serve the commonwealth more effectively"40. În conclusion, one can share the well-founded impression that Machiavelli, considered aș a republican, but rejected aș an author of the "techniques" of politics, does not add much to what, în the web of Milton's more mature
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commonwealth more effectively"40. În conclusion, one can share the well-founded impression that Machiavelli, considered aș a republican, but rejected aș an author of the "techniques" of politics, does not add much to what, în the web of Milton's more mature lexicon, hâș been gathered with conviction from the inheritance of the authors of classicism, real conceptual paradigm în Milton's works 41. If culture and the compositional techniques suggest Milton to enrich his works with frequent references to authorities
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hâș been gathered with conviction from the inheritance of the authors of classicism, real conceptual paradigm în Milton's works 41. If culture and the compositional techniques suggest Milton to enrich his works with frequent references to authorities of a more or less recent past, în his writing almost an unavoidable synopsis between model of păgân classicism and biblical sources are produced, linked both to Patristics and to Jewish tradition. The web of this dense "mosaic" architecture does not only confirm
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machiavellismo ribattezzato" în the name of the ideal of the "Principe cristiano politico" (ivi, p. 162). În the circumstance, refer only to some of the numerous titles which make up, by now, a well-known and complex bibliography on this theme. More specifically, on the genesis of an English republican Machiavellism, see N. Orsini, Studii sul Rinascimento italiano în Inghilterra, Firenze, Sansoni, 1937; M. Praz, Machiavelli în Inghilterra; F. Raab, The English face of Machiavelli: a changing interpretation 1500-1700, London, Routledge & Kegan
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