3,383 matches
-
debate: if the NSA is monitoring every conversation people have în private, on their e-mails it is likely their public opi-nions expressed even using a virtual identity can be traced back to its original source, and thus, making the individual more vulnerable. The lack of proper regulations protecting the freedom of expression render the individual extremely vulnerable: even human resources departments can use the information released on the social media networks în the hiring process. The censorship process is far more
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84981_a_85766]
-
more vulnerable. The lack of proper regulations protecting the freedom of expression render the individual extremely vulnerable: even human resources departments can use the information released on the social media networks în the hiring process. The censorship process is far more devious în this case: * It is self-censorship: the individual is refraining from taking a public position on a controversial issue since it can harm their job * It is financial, rather than political censorship: people are afraid they can lose their
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84981_a_85766]
-
control have shifted form the political to the financial sector. But this type of social control is accompanied by the fear of social exclusion. Aș the Pew Research Center is showing: * "În both personal settings and online settings, people were more willing to share their views if they thought their audience agreed with them. For instance, at work, those who felt their coworkers agreed with their opinion were about three times more likely to say they would join a workplace conversation
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84981_a_85766]
-
În both personal settings and online settings, people were more willing to share their views if they thought their audience agreed with them. For instance, at work, those who felt their coworkers agreed with their opinion were about three times more likely to say they would join a workplace conversation about the Snowden-NSA situation. * Previous 'spiral of silence' findings aș to people's willingness to speak up în various settings also apply to social media users. Those who use Facebook were
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84981_a_85766]
-
likely to say they would join a workplace conversation about the Snowden-NSA situation. * Previous 'spiral of silence' findings aș to people's willingness to speak up în various settings also apply to social media users. Those who use Facebook were more willing to share their views if they thought their followers agreed with them. If a person felt that people în their Facebook network agreed with their opinion about the Snowden-NSA issue, they were about twice aș likely to join a
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84981_a_85766]
-
tion, they do not enjoy the same liberties and rights. Another important aspect is related to the fact that people can choose the type of information they are exposed to. Therefore, the frag- mentation of the audiences makes it even more difficult to convince someone with well-defined political views that they are wrong. "For example, after the revelations în the news media that the Bush Administration's pre-war intelligence claims were ill-founded, the percentage of Republicans giving an affir- mative response
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84981_a_85766]
-
of discrepant information"13. The "technological skepticism" în terms of the Internet having the power to encourage political engagement is also the result of a very interesting relation between the presence of the media and its credibility. It seems the more media is present în our life the more we become distrustful about the information it disseminates. There are no clear regulations preventing the secret services or different politicians to use the social media networks în their advantage. Although they use
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84981_a_85766]
-
terms of the Internet having the power to encourage political engagement is also the result of a very interesting relation between the presence of the media and its credibility. It seems the more media is present în our life the more we become distrustful about the information it disseminates. There are no clear regulations preventing the secret services or different politicians to use the social media networks în their advantage. Although they use contributor's money, secret services often disregard or
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84981_a_85766]
-
an "army of posters"14 whose job was to make sure there are positive comments about her în the social media. Șo aș a conclusion: Social media is not bringing citizens closer to the political power. Although the media is more present than ever în our lives we are growingly distrustful about its messages and about the political leaders. Devious forms of social control prevent uș from entering the political debate în the online environment. The status of "unprofessional journalists" hâș
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84981_a_85766]
-
Devious forms of social control prevent uș from entering the political debate în the online environment. The status of "unprofessional journalists" hâș only the costs but not the benefits of that of a professional journalist. Political engagement is not something more present în the case of those who use frequently social media. Social media and social hatred: "if you have someone în your family that votes for Ponta, be a hero of your country and hide his identity card" The 2014
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84981_a_85766]
-
first time, the social media seemed to count, but not aș an ideal public sphere, but aș a political weapon, aș a mean of getting people to vote, not to debate. The information presented în the social media was even more polarized that the one presented în the tradițional media. The deregulation of these media allowed even for antidemocratic messages fostering social hatred to be distributed. This tendency of the new media and the unprecedented polarization of the political communication is
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84981_a_85766]
-
be distributed. This tendency of the new media and the unprecedented polarization of the political communication is not something specific to the Romanian political space. Aș recent researches point out17, the use of new media is not the place for more nuanced and rațional political debates. On the contrary, it is the place of selective exposure and anti- democratic messages being disseminated aș a result of very loose or absent regulation. Some believe that the image of the online community formed
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84981_a_85766]
-
produce a middle class whose frustrations are carefully guided against the most vulnerable categories of the population. Although we have democratic institutions preventing discrimination is not an easy job and the danger of right wing ideology disguised aș "populism" is more present than ever before 25. But social hatred aș a result of class inequality was not the only toxic resource used în the 2014 presidential campaign. The conflict between generations was another source of political mobilization. În an article that
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84981_a_85766]
-
towards the elders 28.One of the most incredible titles published by the online platform "Smart- woman.ro" was perhaps "Don't hate your mother because she voted for Ponta". Some comments to this article - paid or free - are even more disturbing: "Why should I not hate her since she is the one that through her vote condemns me to poverty and humiliation?"29 This is only an example of the hysteria that surrounded the 2014 presidential elections. What are the
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84981_a_85766]
-
July 2015 I conducted a series of interviews with seventeen people working în the IT sector. I hâd five questions în my semi-strucured interview: 1. What do you understand by "electoral bribe"? 2. Do you think there are social categories more susceptible to the electoral articles (a bottle of oil, some flower, pencils, Ț shirts) offered during the electoral campaign? Justify the answer. 3. Do you think that these categories were present în the 2014 presidential elections? Justify the answer. 4
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84981_a_85766]
-
categories always vote for a specific can- didate? Justify the answer. 5. Do you think it would be best to prevent such social categories from voting? The subjects of my research were engineers working în the IT sector earning monthly more than 1000 euros. The definitions they offered for electoral bribe varied from "any product considered valuable when compared to the subject's revenues" to "any kind of product offered during the electoral campaign". While the definitions varied, they all agreed
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84981_a_85766]
-
unimportant things such aș the bottle of oil or a bag of flower. They also agreed on the fact that the vulnerable social categories participated în the 2014 electoral elections and that they vote according to the principle who offers more food products. Among the seventeen engineers five considered that we should restrain the right to vote. One of them pointed ouț that "the vote of people who pay more taxes should count more than the vote of the ones who
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84981_a_85766]
-
elections and that they vote according to the principle who offers more food products. Among the seventeen engineers five considered that we should restrain the right to vote. One of them pointed ouț that "the vote of people who pay more taxes should count more than the vote of the ones who don't pay or pay less". He also consideres that a "series of questions should be included on the vote sheet în order to eliminate the retards, something like
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84981_a_85766]
-
vote according to the principle who offers more food products. Among the seventeen engineers five considered that we should restrain the right to vote. One of them pointed ouț that "the vote of people who pay more taxes should count more than the vote of the ones who don't pay or pay less". He also consideres that a "series of questions should be included on the vote sheet în order to eliminate the retards, something like 1+1-1=? This way
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84981_a_85766]
-
and Prime Minister. Focusing on the perspectives of an impossible cohabitation within the instituțional Romanian framework the article points ouț at several challenges revealed by recent instituțional practice. It proposes to be considered the specific French constituțional arrangements existing for more than a half century because they were accordingly adapted to instituțional developments which could not be imagined when the fundamental text was elaborated. Keywords: Constitution, President, Prime Minister, Executive, elections, cohabitation, majority, alternance, balance, mandate. Introducere Scopul acestui articol constă
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84981_a_85766]
-
and to be elected). But what means political decision-making process? There are many theories which explain this concept: from the Game Theory to the Decision Theory and various types of Computațional Agent Based Modeling. After a review of these theories, more interesting will be to follow the way of a legislative project to an adopted law în the Romanian Parliament, the way from theory to practice, the real manifestation of the concept of political decision-making. Our research is focused on women
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84981_a_85766]
-
accurate fulfilment of a new global set of mandatory rules and regulations, regarding the environmental protection, for the benefit of future generations, by the state actors (the role of a state actor în the XXIst century is different and encompasses more responsibilities towards nature, aș compared to the classic role of the westphalian state until the present) and by the non-state actors. "Eco-development" and "Sustainable Development" în the Global Society The new set of global environmental regulations to be developed în
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84981_a_85766]
-
the great wilderness", yet to be urbanized and tamed, surrounding the human metropolises" (conception born from the deep interpretation of the phrase). There is a multitude of definitions of the phrase "environment", preferred în the legal doctrine, instead of the more comprehensive one phrase "nature" (which does not have the funcționalist, desacralized, consumerist connotation, specific to the secular, industrialized societies, of "environment", which suggests reducing nature to "various components and power, physical, chemical and biological conditions, surrounding a being - în this
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84981_a_85766]
-
of the environment, together with the conditions that can influence "the welfare and health of the human being" or "the quality of life"28. At the same time, the doctrine draws attention on the fact that the "environmental legislation" is more comprehensive than "the effective environment protection legislation", starting from the premise that the environmental policy hâș to be treated by the governments aș having the same importance aș the economic policies of the states 29. În the XXIst century societies
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84981_a_85766]
-
by environmental models of companies, instead they neighbour so-called anticapitalist societies, which do not propose an environmental conception of their policies regarding the environment and regarding all the human activities resulted from the requirement to protect and preserve the environment). More specifically, the globalization of economy and capitals, the increasing influence of the corporations from large powers or of transnațional corporations, the wars, underdevelopment, global accumulation of profit, consumption societies, global warming, all these aspects căușe irreparable damages to nature and
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84981_a_85766]