3,383 matches
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interested în the electoral system than în the political system, is more informed about candidates în elections than political actors within specific organizations and better knows electoral bids than ideological offers and positions. Simply puț, the Romanian citizen who is more interested în who reaches an office than what he later does în that position! The citizen takes part în the voting process, but not în politics. And, besides these moments of effective participation, the interaction with social life is done
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the cornerstone is freedom of expression, while political pluralism is at 6%, the freedom to choose a representative and to be elected is at 15%, the right to criticize and protest at 9% and șo on. Why is the citizen more interested în voting than în capitalizing on the vote results? An explanation comes from the fact that 45% of the population thinks that the election results do not change anything, while 23% believe that elections are more or less rigged
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
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is the citizen more interested în voting than în capitalizing on the vote results? An explanation comes from the fact that 45% of the population thinks that the election results do not change anything, while 23% believe that elections are more or less rigged. Then why do they even vote? 66% believe voting is a required duty. Although the majority believes that nothing will change, although 85% of citizens believe that authorities disregard the popular point of view and although 75
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offers effective solutions for a country's problems, not the campaign!). Normally the campaign occurs every four years and în the meantime society and its actors have enough time and space required to develop concepts and complex theories encompassing the more subtle forms of reality - and then to achieve the consensus required for decisions through which the solutions are implemented. But if the election campaign never stops, then everything that comes from the political class is inevitably lacking depth! We have
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only thing that works is electoral participation. Action should work în a society with functioning mechanisms that generate solutions and the consensus needed to implement these decisions. The public debate on almost any subject în România is biased and superficial; more șo, advocacy groups from classical media or the online environment amplify the aggressiveness of the camps, șo that the citizen spends every moment of his/her life în another chapter of the electoral campaign. It is an endless battle that
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names it took) is communism, we are anti-FSN, democrats. If you do not want a return of communism, vote for uș! This hâș been the ideology used successfully by the Democratic Convention în the 90s against the Iliescu regime (much more easily perceived aș a continuation of communism due to its origins). But we must not forget that both Traian Băsescu în 2009 and Klaus Johannis în 2014 used the same communicational construct în their campaigns. Being born from denial and
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newspapers, television, and radio) and also în the field of literature, music, art and even în science. The main require was that all the messages, ideas and concepts should not contradict în any way the communist ideology. The things became more difficult with Dostoevsky's works, aș his views and ideas were considered reactionary by the communist authorities. However, aș he was hailed by the Western critics aș one of the greatest writers of all times, his work could not be
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later present în the general Marxist-Leninist paradigm. For example, the preoccupation for the psychological side of the characters, highlighting their social status and repeatedly referring to the social context which influences human behavior. În only one paper, the author uses more than 20 time the word "suffering" and very of the words expressing the degradation of the impoverished and fallen society, for instance "disinherited", "oppressed", "humiliated", "criminal", and "convicted". The religious ideas are vehemently rejected suggesting that the writer himself came
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it happened în the Soviet Union, în the communist România there were periods of fluctuation în respect to the reception of Dostoevsky's works, the periods of total absence of translations or exegetical texts being followed by intervals with a more relaxed censorship, when most of the novels were published, accompanied by critical studies. Aș a general characteristic, the first decade was characterized by "silence", only very few interpretative articles and book translations from Dostoevsky being published, while în 1956, the
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literary critics. It was one necessary way of legitimating the entire process of publishing and promoting Dostoevsky's literary work. The content analysis and comparative analysis revealed that în these texts there are present some common elements, particular în the more ideological critical studies published particularly în the first three decades. These constitutive elements of the Marxist paradigm of approaching and interpreting Dostoevsky's creation are, în general, the result of the ideological pressure of that time, having themselves an insistent
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hero of the working class"24. Conclusion The entire process of reception of Dostoevsky's work hâd a non-linear evolution, sinusoidal, with fluctuating periods, his novels being either published extensively or periods of "silence" when his works were almost forbidden. More specifically, în spițe of the fact that for example în the lațe '60s almost all of his novels have been translated, the numerous commentaries and critical studies were extremely biased and ideological, positioned within a Marxist-Leninist perspective. On the other
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biased and ideological, positioned within a Marxist-Leninist perspective. On the other hand, în the '80s, for example, only few interpretative texts were published and, notably, they are less ideological and have a higher qualitative literary value, the censorship being somehow more relaxed în respect to the process of interpreting the oeuvre of the Russian novelist. A similar situation occurs regarding the themes and topics addressed by the authors: while în the first decades the focus was on highlighting the aspects which
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regarding the themes and topics addressed by the authors: while în the first decades the focus was on highlighting the aspects which was possible to bring them în a relative accord with communist ideology, în the latest period, there were more nuanced interpretations, sensible and controversial themes being approach, including the religious ones. This was possible because his works were not regarded aș dangerous anymore by the communist officials, the "fight with Dostoevsky" being characteristic în the '50s. În the Soviet
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radiography of the process of Dostoevsky's reception during the communist period, we can note two distinct trends: the Marxist perspective, dominant over time, excepting the last two decades, and when only few studies were published. A second perspective, a more theoretical or technical, focused on various literary or psychological themes which much less ideological, such aș the studies of Valeriu Cristea 25, Friedrich Heinrich 26, Albert Kovacs or the excepțional study of Ileana Mălăncioiu Vină tragică 27. Aș noted în
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Abstract. Hegel's philosophy is characterized, to a great extent, by the Kantian distinction between intellect and reason. However, Kant's successor offers new meaning to both intellect and reason and contradicts the Kantian assumption of the intellect being a more reliable source of knowledge than reason. For Hegel, the empirical knowledge provided by the intellect is not enough to know the world aș a process; reason is needed în this case, and by reason Hegel understands something much more complex
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a more reliable source of knowledge than reason. For Hegel, the empirical knowledge provided by the intellect is not enough to know the world aș a process; reason is needed în this case, and by reason Hegel understands something much more complex and trustworthy than Kant does. This essay follows Hegel's acception of intellect and reason and the process of their becoming aș two opposed, but not independent sides of the fulfillment of human spirit. Keywords: intellect, reason, concept, dialectics
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basis of a free and pluralist society, nowadays the Eastern Partnership is seen aș an "out-dated" approach of the EU. However, Eastern Partnership is visible on European political arena and the big powers (UȘA, Russia and the EU) pay attention more and more to the evolution of EaP countries. Moreover, it seems to be a confrontation between Russia and Western powers regarding the political and geopolitical orientation of EaP countries. Kremlin tries actively to stop the efforts of the EaP to
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
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a free and pluralist society, nowadays the Eastern Partnership is seen aș an "out-dated" approach of the EU. However, Eastern Partnership is visible on European political arena and the big powers (UȘA, Russia and the EU) pay attention more and more to the evolution of EaP countries. Moreover, it seems to be a confrontation between Russia and Western powers regarding the political and geopolitical orientation of EaP countries. Kremlin tries actively to stop the efforts of the EaP to close to
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the region. Beside of these, a regional security complex can be analysed by applying four variables 15: 1) boundary, which differentiates the RSC from its neighbours; 2) anarchic structure, which means that the RSC must be composed of 2 or more autonomous units; 3) polarity - the distribution of power among the units; 4) social construction - which covers the patterns of amity and enmity among the units. (Ioan Horga, Course "Regional Studies", 2013, SNSPA) The theory developed under Copenhagen School hâș the
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Georgia, proved that democratic transformations în the CIS area are possible. Aș a result, Belarus, until recently perceived to be one of the many authoritarian or semi-authoritarian post-Soviet states, today is viewed by the United States and the European Union more aș a challenge. Western states may decide that since the democrats were successful în Ukraine, the opposition în Belarus should be supported by even greater involvement"23. However, the bilateral relations not suffered too much, "because both Ukraine and Belarus
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the state to state relation level, Belarus is quite isolated and don't have developed relations with other EaP countries. The main political partner of Belarus is Russia and both of them have close political, economic and security related bond. More sor, Belarus took part at the creation of Customs Union which is a regional integration project initiated by Russian Federation that tries to copy EaP inițiative. Armenia The EU and its shared value are very popular among Armenians; however the
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and also to benefit from new funds for the modernization of the country. However, Armenian President declared that Armenia will join to Customs Union 28. At the domestic level, Armenia hâș huge problems with political corruption, being the biggest vulnerability. More șo, this phenomenon "permeating all levels of society: the public administration, particularly the judiciary, the police and the health sector, are especially vulnerable to corruption. This situation is echoed by Armenia's poor performance în most areas assessed by governance
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aspirations through pressures. For example, Russia imposed the embargo for Moldovan wines 39 and a large number of Moldovan immigrants have been expelled ouț of Russian territory 40. În case of Ukraine, Russia imposed the embargo for Ukrainian chocolates 41. More șo, Russia created the Customs Union trying to copy the Eastern Partnership project, and through this platform Russian authorities try to convince Eastern Partnership countries to give up at their European aspirations. Until now, Armenian president declared officially that his
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Eastern Partnership countries differentiate from its neighbours by their European aspirations. Theoretically, it should be șo. However, according to the Index of European Integration 43 for Eastern Partnership countries, Azerbaijan, Belarus and Armenia are not frontrunners with EU membership aspirations. More șo, Armenia recently announced that it wants to join a Russia-led Customs Union and Belarus will be for sure member of Custom Union together with Kazakhstan. Șo, which is the difference between Kazakhstan which is not member of Eastern Partnership
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countries aș far aș no instituțional (taking în account that Armenia and Belarus want to join Customs Union) or geographic proximity don't support this hypothesis. 2. Anarchic structure which means the Eastern Partnership should be composed of 2 or more autonomous units. Eastern Partnership, indeed, is composed by six countries mentioned în first chapter: Ukraine, Belarus, Republic of Moldova, Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia. There is no any authority above them and also I can't identify any changes to the
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