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effective participation, the interaction with social life is done by "simulating participation", achieved through media channels (especially TV for 20 years and the internet during the last 5 years). Moreover, there is limited knowledge of the instituțional mechanisms of democracy. For example, only 40% of the population (with a minimum of 35% în the Central region) knows that the County Council President is elected directly and not through the vote of county councilors. And only 44% of the population (with a
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through the vote of county councilors. And only 44% of the population (with a minimum of 37% în the West Region) knows that Parliament is the main legislative institution în România. Regarding the definition and understanding of a democratic system, for a significant majority - 54% at the național level - the cornerstone is freedom of expression, while political pluralism is at 6%, the freedom to choose a representative and to be elected is at 15%, the right to criticize and protest at
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nor scientifically exact. An election message should mobilize and stimulate the intention to vote, not solve the problems of anarea of activity or, even worse, of a nation (the government is - or should be - the one that offers effective solutions for a country's problems, not the campaign!). Normally the campaign occurs every four years and în the meantime society and its actors have enough time and space required to develop concepts and complex theories encompassing the more subtle forms of
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
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the campaign occurs every four years and în the meantime society and its actors have enough time and space required to develop concepts and complex theories encompassing the more subtle forms of reality - and then to achieve the consensus required for decisions through which the solutions are implemented. But if the election campaign never stops, then everything that comes from the political class is inevitably lacking depth! We have talks, but no action - precisely because public discourse is better suited to
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discussions and of modernization and development projects, but marks a endless repetition of the same themes and the same stereotypes that plague communication. Therefore, every time there are election we see that the teams who govern are generally not assessed for what they have specifically done during their mandate - the evaluation and comparison is based on themes related to communication and media agenda, în a very limited extent correlated with the real agenda of the citizens. Another reason for having an
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not assessed for what they have specifically done during their mandate - the evaluation and comparison is based on themes related to communication and media agenda, în a very limited extent correlated with the real agenda of the citizens. Another reason for having an important electoral participation, although there is clearly a sense of disappointment and disengagement from the political phenomenon and also from other participative phenomenon of a modern society, could be based on the intense communication that the Romanian society
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a modern society, could be based on the intense communication that the Romanian society hâș developed în this direction during the last 23-25 years. There hâș not been even one electoral moment when one of the main themes of communication for all actors, directly or indirectly involved în the process, did not need the argument of turnout aș a corollary of the existence of a democratic state and aș a testimony to the civic responsibility of the individual. The vote itself
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itself, în public communication, acquired: - Judicial traits (Let's make them pay through our vote); - Punitive traits (Let them hurt aș we have); - Național traits (Let's show them how Romanians, Hungarians etc. vote); - Constructive economic traits (Let's vote for the continuation of ...); - Messianic traits (Vote to save yourself), - Mercantile traits (Vote to have a better life); - Traits of resistance against lawlessness (They can't steal aș much aș you can vote); - Responsibility traits (Vote to show that you care
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have a better life); - Traits of resistance against lawlessness (They can't steal aș much aș you can vote); - Responsibility traits (Vote to show that you care); - Family traits (Vote if you care about your children's future or vote for the safety of your parents and grandparents); - Strategic and continental traits (Vote șo that Europe will see our numbers); - Restrictive traits (If you don't vote you should stop crying); - Insidious traits (If you do not vote it means that
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hâș been almost an obsession of convincing people who have never voted and generally stay away from the booths to take part în the process. Many electoral strategies have been based on percentages plucked from non-participants, aș a miraculous solution for overthrowing election predictions. Last but not least, the party propagandă hâș tried to downplay the importance of unfavorable polls, always referring the mass of citizens who did not express their choices and whom, if they were to vote, would alter
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vote, would alter the existing balance. However, this obsession to mobilize non-voters hâș never actually materialized. Turnout and the vote itself have been considered the centerpiece of the new democratic process on whose behalf Romanians died în 1989 - and also for the above mentioned freedom of expression. All components of the public space have sent messages about the importance of voting. But unfortunately for the current situation, they stopped there, în the sense that there was very limited communication regarding the
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considered the centerpiece of the new democratic process on whose behalf Romanians died în 1989 - and also for the above mentioned freedom of expression. All components of the public space have sent messages about the importance of voting. But unfortunately for the current situation, they stopped there, în the sense that there was very limited communication regarding the need to also follow the consequences of the vote. Very little was invested to educate citizens about how to exercise their fundamental rights
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parties cannot be interested în increasing political participation, because it would create unnecessary competition and would transform parties from exclusive structures to inclusive structures - or, this is what citizens and the civil society want and it is not a goal for parties (nor for their leaderships).Similarly, civic participation (essential for the life of civil society) or community participation (essential for the cohesion of local communities) should be functions and purposes for civil society, not for parties. Șo, if we see
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
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interested în increasing political participation, because it would create unnecessary competition and would transform parties from exclusive structures to inclusive structures - or, this is what citizens and the civil society want and it is not a goal for parties (nor for their leaderships).Similarly, civic participation (essential for the life of civil society) or community participation (essential for the cohesion of local communities) should be functions and purposes for civil society, not for parties. Șo, if we see that only electoral
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
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would create unnecessary competition and would transform parties from exclusive structures to inclusive structures - or, this is what citizens and the civil society want and it is not a goal for parties (nor for their leaderships).Similarly, civic participation (essential for the life of civil society) or community participation (essential for the cohesion of local communities) should be functions and purposes for civil society, not for parties. Șo, if we see that only electoral participation works and the other do not
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
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structures to inclusive structures - or, this is what citizens and the civil society want and it is not a goal for parties (nor for their leaderships).Similarly, civic participation (essential for the life of civil society) or community participation (essential for the cohesion of local communities) should be functions and purposes for civil society, not for parties. Șo, if we see that only electoral participation works and the other do not, it means that we see a performance evaluation for institutions
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
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civil society want and it is not a goal for parties (nor for their leaderships).Similarly, civic participation (essential for the life of civil society) or community participation (essential for the cohesion of local communities) should be functions and purposes for civil society, not for parties. Șo, if we see that only electoral participation works and the other do not, it means that we see a performance evaluation for institutions that support different types of participation - aș cynical aș it may
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
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it is not a goal for parties (nor for their leaderships).Similarly, civic participation (essential for the life of civil society) or community participation (essential for the cohesion of local communities) should be functions and purposes for civil society, not for parties. Șo, if we see that only electoral participation works and the other do not, it means that we see a performance evaluation for institutions that support different types of participation - aș cynical aș it may seem, these indicators shows
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
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essential for the cohesion of local communities) should be functions and purposes for civil society, not for parties. Șo, if we see that only electoral participation works and the other do not, it means that we see a performance evaluation for institutions that support different types of participation - aș cynical aș it may seem, these indicators shows the performance of the political parties în a society without civil society . The assault of the anti-corruption battle în recent years, which also leads
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participation în România - leading to a further discrediting of democratic political institutions. Today we find that the citizen is involved în electoral processes that generate the political phenomenon, but does not understand the rules and does not foresee any utility for his personal agenda. The Romanian citizen chose democracy 25 years ago în response to communism and, for the sake of democracy, he/her chose to participate în the vote aș a major and basically unique form of involvement. It can
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
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citizen is involved în electoral processes that generate the political phenomenon, but does not understand the rules and does not foresee any utility for his personal agenda. The Romanian citizen chose democracy 25 years ago în response to communism and, for the sake of democracy, he/her chose to participate în the vote aș a major and basically unique form of involvement. It can be considered that for many Romanians the democratic essence of the phenomenon is given only by the
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
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The Romanian citizen chose democracy 25 years ago în response to communism and, for the sake of democracy, he/her chose to participate în the vote aș a major and basically unique form of involvement. It can be considered that for many Romanians the democratic essence of the phenomenon is given only by the vote expressed în various elections. Although there have been heated discussions about democracy during these years, there hâș been no consolidated action to explain its mechanisms and
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ideology and its own vision of the future. The message was eventually very simple and efficient: FSN (and all the other names it took) is communism, we are anti-FSN, democrats. If you do not want a return of communism, vote for uș! This hâș been the ideology used successfully by the Democratic Convention în the 90s against the Iliescu regime (much more easily perceived aș a continuation of communism due to its origins). But we must not forget that both Traian
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place anything: a call to battle, ăn apology, ăn explanation ... and eventually just a slogan. Each political party hâș used it, every presidential candidate, local councilor and mayor hâș acted on behalf of democracy and called on Romanians to vote for it. Simplifying communication is a logical step în election campaigns - it is în fact fundamental to their success. However, presenting reality în stereotypes and simplifications between campaigns generates a problem - the Manichaean style of communication is maintained and dialogue is
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conversion of the prerogatives of power, exercised through political discourse. Politics therefore does not reflect decision making space about a vision of development, but a place where, through discourse, Romanians discover their modernity based on what they know (the past, for example). Modernity în interwar România was not debated în order to be adapted to reality, but was disputed by those who claimed power or legitimacy either from the Western model (that hat to be applied automatically, without adjustments) or from
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