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considered useful was the electoral participation. The rest - political participation and especially civic participation - remain at a very, very low level. România therefore remains an Electoral Republic above all else... Notes 1 Several authors have defined this first rift (essential for understanding the post `89 Romanian political dynamics) aș the communism-anticommunism divide. For example, Cristian Pîrvulescu, Vladimir Paști, Cristian Preda etc. This phenomenon hâș also been theorized by analysts who have tried to reflect how social rifts (initially defined by Rokkan
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civic participation - remain at a very, very low level. România therefore remains an Electoral Republic above all else... Notes 1 Several authors have defined this first rift (essential for understanding the post `89 Romanian political dynamics) aș the communism-anticommunism divide. For example, Cristian Pîrvulescu, Vladimir Paști, Cristian Preda etc. This phenomenon hâș also been theorized by analysts who have tried to reflect how social rifts (initially defined by Rokkan, în the first half of the 20th century) have adapted to the
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theorized by analysts who have tried to reflect how social rifts (initially defined by Rokkan, în the first half of the 20th century) have adapted to the realities of the fall of communism, post 1989, în Central and Eastern Europe. For example: De Waele, Jean-Michel (2003) "Democratic consolidation, parties and cleavages în Central and Eastern Europe", în De Waele, Jean-Michel (ed.)Political parties and democracy în Central and Eastern Europe, Bucharest: Humanitas 2 În particular, the explosive development of prinț media
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The volume coordinated by Adrian Neculau, "Everyday life under communism", Polirom, Iași, 2004 - presents examples of practices used to adapt to life under a totalitarian regime, which excluded participation and community values. 6 Vladimir Paști theorizes this relatively dramatic conclusion for Romanian intellectuals în works such aș "The New Romanian capitalism", Polirom, Iași, 2006. Similar problems are also highlighted by Easter, Miroiu, Codită în "România -Starea de fapt", Volume 1, Nemira Bucharest, 1997. Dragoș Sdrobis talks about the same crisis of
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ZAMFIR, Cătălin, Politici sociale în România 1990-1998, București, Ed. Expert, 1999. România - o economie "planificată" de la distanță (România - another kind of "planned" economy) Ion-Lucian CATRINA Abstract. Among all the Eastern European countries that joined the EU after 2000, România delayed for several years the economic reforms în order to ensure the transition to free market economy. 25 years after the fall of communism, most of the components of free market are not yet entirely developed: the full restitution of private property
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ramurilor industriale reflectate de Michael Porter , The Competitive Advantage of Nations, MacMillan Press, Londra, 1982. 4 Marco Franco, interviu în Drevet Jean-François, L'élargissement de l'Union Européenne, jusqu'où?, L'Harmattan, Paris, 2001. 5 PHARE (Poland and Hungary: action for the restructuring economy), a demarat inițial pentru cele două țări, iar apoi a fost extins la toate statele asociate. Obiectivul PHARE a fost acela de a contribui cu asistența tehnică la tranziția statelor din Europa Centrală și de Est către
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1960; Philip E. Converse, The nature of belief systems în mass publics, în David E. Apter (ed.), Ideology and Discontent, Freepress, Glencoe, 1964. 10 V. Bernard Crick & Alex Porter, Political Education and Political Literacy, Longman, Londra, 1978; Crick Report: Education for Citizenship and the teaching of democracy în schools. Final Report on the Advisory Group on Citizenship, Qualification and Curriculum authority, London, 1998; Bernard Crick, Essays on Citizenship, Bloomsbury Academic, London, 2000. 11 C. H. Knoblauch, Literacy and the Politics of
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of belief systems în mass publics, în David E. Apter (ed.), Ideology and Discontent, Freepress, Glencoe, 1964. COSTACHE EPUREANU, Manolache, Chestiunea locuitorilor privită din punctul de vedere al Regulamentului Organic și al Convenției, Tipografia Albinei, Iași, 1860. CRICK REPORT: Education for Citizenship and the teaching of democracy în schools. Final Report on the Advisory Group on Citizenship, Qualification and Curriculum authority, Londra, 1998; Bernard Crick, Essays on Citizenship, Bloomsbury Academic, Londra, 2000. CRICK, Bernard & PORTER, Alex, Political Education and Political Literacy
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approaches Dostoevsky's work în a biased and subjective way, trying to emphasize those aspects în the life of the Russian author which would be ideologically convenient. În a paper published în Românul, în spițe of the critic's respect for Dostoevsky's great oeuvre, he dismisses writer's political, religious and social ideas criticizing his conceptions about socialists expressed în the novel The Demons: "Dostoevsky's great novel devoted to Russian revolutionary movement called nihilism" is a "caricature written by
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to those who "revel ah the great table of life". This is precisely the vision of a socialist driven by revolutionary ideals. Some of the elements present în Dobrogeanu-Gherea's interpretation will be later present în the general Marxist-Leninist paradigm. For example, the preoccupation for the psychological side of the characters, highlighting their social status and repeatedly referring to the social context which influences human behavior. În only one paper, the author uses more than 20 time the word "suffering" and
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ah the great table of life". This is precisely the vision of a socialist driven by revolutionary ideals. Some of the elements present în Dobrogeanu-Gherea's interpretation will be later present în the general Marxist-Leninist paradigm. For example, the preoccupation for the psychological side of the characters, highlighting their social status and repeatedly referring to the social context which influences human behavior. În only one paper, the author uses more than 20 time the word "suffering" and very of the words
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status and repeatedly referring to the social context which influences human behavior. În only one paper, the author uses more than 20 time the word "suffering" and very of the words expressing the degradation of the impoverished and fallen society, for instance "disinherited", "oppressed", "humiliated", "criminal", and "convicted". The religious ideas are vehemently rejected suggesting that the writer himself came to be "mystic, religious to madness" due to influences of "religious sectarian" în detention 5. Nevertheless, the Marxist or socialist paradigm
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most outspoken against socialism and Bolshevism were Crainic and Ivanov, not incidentally avid promoters of Orthodoxy and religious values, adherents of the theory that the solution to social problems is Orthodox Christianity. Both authors are very critical vis-à-vis socialism, Ivanov, for example, claiming that în the "Soviet Russia, the proletarization came to have the proportions of an inferno" and they are working after Marx6, while Crainic regards Dostoevsky aș a true prophet of the Russian revolution, în the novel The Demons
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and it does not represent the subject of this study, but the method hâș been widely used by officials and Communist ideology în other areas, not only literary but also historical, political, economic, religious, etc. The soviet Critic V. Ermilov, for example, indicates that the main elements of his study, namely, the contradictions of Dostoevsky's work, on the duality which tortured permanently the great Russian novelist being în the impossibility to escape from the torments caused by it. Both life
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because în the "conflict between the reactionary ideologue and the realist writer, the victory was won by the latter"15. Another common aspect of Marxist texts both în România and the Soviet Union was the express motivation of the need for a reconsideration of Dostoevsky's work from a Marxist-Leninist perspective, the authors arguing that this is necessary because the readers should thus be able to assimilate the "positive" aspects of his work and reject the "negative" ones. Also, these critics
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of analysis would allow the choice of "the wheat from the chaff" and the repudiation of the "hostile theory" of humility and reconciliation among classes and, în the end, the appreciation of what is realistic în his work. Radu Popescu, for example, Radu Popescu draws the attention to who should be interpreted and received the work of Dostoevsky and he signals the danger of reactionary theses. Nevertheless, with the help of the scientific aesthetics we are able to discover în Dostoevsky
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the writer's life, especially related to its socialist past and sentencing policy: the participation în the Petrashevski circle, the conviction and the exile. Most of the authors mention these ideologically convenient details about Dostoevsky's life aș an argument for reconsidering and recuperating Dostoevsky within the new political and social context. Within the same context, it can be noted the numerous references to the Marxist theoreticians, Marx, Engels, Lenin or socialist cultural personalities, Gorki and Dobrogeanu-Gherea. V. Ermilov, for example
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argument for reconsidering and recuperating Dostoevsky within the new political and social context. Within the same context, it can be noted the numerous references to the Marxist theoreticians, Marx, Engels, Lenin or socialist cultural personalities, Gorki and Dobrogeanu-Gherea. V. Ermilov, for example, starts his study quoting Gorki and Lenin, both of them criticizing Dostoevsky, the later one claiming that the writer represented the sick consciousness of the Russian people 19. În a similar context, B. Riurikov reiterates the same charges of
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the main ideas of all of his later works"21. The critique of the novel The Demons is present în many of the exegetical texts about Dostoevsky's work, the author being accused of misleading the readers by having models for his revolutionary characters anarchists such aș Naceaev and Bakunin, who were în fact pseudo-revolutionaries. Thus, B. Riurikov, for example, accuses Dostoevsky that through his text The Demons he offered the possibility to political reactionary to "splash with mud the Revolution
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present în many of the exegetical texts about Dostoevsky's work, the author being accused of misleading the readers by having models for his revolutionary characters anarchists such aș Naceaev and Bakunin, who were în fact pseudo-revolutionaries. Thus, B. Riurikov, for example, accuses Dostoevsky that through his text The Demons he offered the possibility to political reactionary to "splash with mud the Revolution and the revolutionaries", Russian revolutionaries being portrayed aș "bad people, selfish tyrant, deprived by higher moral sentiments which
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from The Demons, all have become within this perspective the exponents of religious and political reactionary movements which would contradict flagrantly the communist ideology. Characters, dialogues, narrative elements, descriptions and șo on have been interpreted în various ways, often just for serving ideological purposes or for discrediting a certain conception. Riurikov, for example, claims that the novel Borther Karamazov actually reveals the "general view of degeneration and collapse of a noble family: Dmitri, the "selfish dominated by despicable vices", Smerdiakov, the
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become within this perspective the exponents of religious and political reactionary movements which would contradict flagrantly the communist ideology. Characters, dialogues, narrative elements, descriptions and șo on have been interpreted în various ways, often just for serving ideological purposes or for discrediting a certain conception. Riurikov, for example, claims that the novel Borther Karamazov actually reveals the "general view of degeneration and collapse of a noble family: Dmitri, the "selfish dominated by despicable vices", Smerdiakov, the "lecherous villain", Zosima, "a dead
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of religious and political reactionary movements which would contradict flagrantly the communist ideology. Characters, dialogues, narrative elements, descriptions and șo on have been interpreted în various ways, often just for serving ideological purposes or for discrediting a certain conception. Riurikov, for example, claims that the novel Borther Karamazov actually reveals the "general view of degeneration and collapse of a noble family: Dmitri, the "selfish dominated by despicable vices", Smerdiakov, the "lecherous villain", Zosima, "a dead and fleshless face", while the whole
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entire process of reception of Dostoevsky's work hâd a non-linear evolution, sinusoidal, with fluctuating periods, his novels being either published extensively or periods of "silence" when his works were almost forbidden. More specifically, în spițe of the fact that for example în the lațe '60s almost all of his novels have been translated, the numerous commentaries and critical studies were extremely biased and ideological, positioned within a Marxist-Leninist perspective. On the other hand, în the '80s, for example, only few
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the fact that for example în the lațe '60s almost all of his novels have been translated, the numerous commentaries and critical studies were extremely biased and ideological, positioned within a Marxist-Leninist perspective. On the other hand, în the '80s, for example, only few interpretative texts were published and, notably, they are less ideological and have a higher qualitative literary value, the censorship being somehow more relaxed în respect to the process of interpreting the oeuvre of the Russian novelist. A
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