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by Gusti as well; the Royal student teams’ summer work and the huge amount of professional publications that it generated. Most importantly, Romanian sociology was, as Gusti had proclaimed it, a Sociologia Militans, devoted not only to social description of but also to an informed social intervention in Romania. French Sociology in the Thirties Reading Bouglé’s synthesis, we can immediately notice both similarities and differences between Romanian and French sociology. 1. Like in Romania, French sociology evolved around a most
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method and theory went hand in hand with the interest for sociological description and applied sociology, in France those who continued Durkheim’s line of thought tended to postpone for a later time not only practical intervention in social life, but even the articulation into a sociological whole of the different facets of a social unit. One can see for example Bouglé’s remarks concerning the ethical considerations of socio-economist Charles Gide or, even more convincing, those dedicated to the possibility
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critical francophilia, which I think characterized Romanian society during the 20th century. In contradistinction to the fervent francophiles of the beginning, the relaxed francophiles of later years were characterized not so much by compulsive imitation or consumption of things French but, rather, by an elective dialogue with French culture, that could, at times, express discontent or disapproval. Thus, for example, during the 1930s, Mircea Eliade would voice what I propose to call a dépit francophile (coined after dépit amoureux) in an
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and art critic Petru Comarnescu, both widely involved with the activities of the Sociological School in Bucharest, obtained doctoral degrees or simply studied in the United States. The main reason behind these choices was, however, not francophile, germanophile or americanophile, but professional, since French, German and American sociologies were all widely acclaimed in the inter-war period. As far as France was concerned, let me mention that Dimitrie Gusti had strong relations of cooperation with colleagues such as Marcel Mauss, Célestin Bouglé
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G. Dumézil: Le festin d’immortalité. Etude de mythologie comparée indo-européenne, Paris, 1924”. Soon, however, Cristescu would conclude not only that many of the courses at the Institute of Ethnology were only partially relevant for her already quite specialized work but, more importantly, that even the most interesting courses offered were poorly attended. Thus she discovered that in France social sciences did not have the wide and lively following that she had grown accustomed to associate with them: “At the Institute
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am extremely surprised to see that in Paris, where there are so many students, interesting courses are attended by twenty persons at most. (In Vendryès’ course, I am the only woman, together with seven men.) Anyhow, Anton, if there were but the enthusiasm and the interest that our research raises [at home], I would still have to consider it as being much above what is done here. I hope that the practical works (travaux pratiques) at the Institute of Ethnography or
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pass our life, our life that is not ours” (21.V.1931). “Last year, in Paris, I entered (‘learned as I was’) in a serious scientific milieu. True, it took me out of my ‘almost ripe’ sociologist’s old habits, but once I shook the ashesă (for I had burntă) I could again set going; of course, by starting anew! This year, the grief is even deeper. Totally lacking the knowledge of the language [Bernea had decided to combine one year
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many of us, who went to study abroad (Nelu, himself and, it appears, you as well), have to study them in such detail. For we must not forget one thing: we are not doing comparative ethnography, not even Romanian ethnography, but the sociology of Romanian society, which can’t be separated from the history of this society. And Romanian history guides us not toward the ‘primitives,’ but rather toward the Indo-Europeans with whom we came in contact or, if not, at
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not forget one thing: we are not doing comparative ethnography, not even Romanian ethnography, but the sociology of Romanian society, which can’t be separated from the history of this society. And Romanian history guides us not toward the ‘primitives,’ but rather toward the Indo-Europeans with whom we came in contact or, if not, at least shared the same cultural area and destiny. Don’t you think that the Slavs, Greeks, Celts, Balts (Lets and Lituanians) - not to mention the Traco-Illyrians
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the Pacific Ocean? I have the impression that we err on wrong paths. And the fault is of course not ours - if there is a stray -, it belongs to our mentors, proving that they fare no better in this respect. But let us leave the question of ‘responsibility,’ which usually remains unanswered with us, and, if you agree with me, simply register the fact and take measures to straighten it. I, for one, would have set you to learn Lituanian (you
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can afford to study other people, since they have more or less finished [the work] at home. I don’t want you to misunderstand me. I am not telling you all these thoughts in order to accuse you of anything. But, rather, I share them with a good fellow traveller (tovarăș de drum). I tell all this to myself as well and often wonder if I am not erring likewise, even more than anybody else. For it isn’t bad (nu
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elbow to elbow or even to surpass our poor Western colleaguesă(7.VI.1933)”. As for Ion Ionică, in a letter addressed to Anton Golopenția, he stressed the “doubts” expressed either by some of his colleague students, or, more politely, but also more difficult to bear, by Marcel Mauss, concerning Gustian terminology and Ionică’s systematic use of it: “I passed the two catalogues of the Drăguș [sociological] museum, together with some explanatory pages in French that I added, to professors
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Exhibition, Bouglé affirmed that “social sciences still need to overcome the national phase” and to establish universal methods (12), citing Descartes who declared he wrote even for the Turks, or Pascal who mentioned that a scientist might have a homeland, but a science never did. To Bouglé, sociology as practiced “in Central Europe” was exaggeratedly political and national. Gusti’s insistence on the monographic research of Romanian villages, he thought, stemmed out of the ideological “conviction that rural population, with its
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The Romanian School of sociology does not find itself in the phase of developing methods: it did so, long before 1925, when the monographic research was started. The village investigations are not, for this School, ‘the real center of sociology,’ but the application of a method, that the passing years have confirmed, to the special circumstances of Romania. This method (...) stems from the decision to clarify social reality by means of the immediate and simultaneous study of all its facets (...). It
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one of the French specialists who were instrumental in making widely known Constantin Brăiloiu’s revolutionary work in ethnomusicology, Harry Brauner was at first shocked to discover not only that folklore was a four-letter word for the musicologists at Trocadéro, but also that their extensive research lacked the rigor to which he had been accustomed in Gusti’s “monographic” teams, where he had worked, as mentioned, under the exceptional guidance of Constantin Brăiloiu: “Since I busy myself with collecting Romanian popular
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By master Mihail Vulpescu, the famous and immortal. Then I took heart and, shy as I was, I started to ask: ‘Well, my dear sir, I am very moved by the anthropology that you practice even with respect to music, but what about the songs of Mr. Vulpescu, or rather, which are the conclusions you draw from this material? Personally, for in this (that is, in Romanian music) I have some knowledge, I dare ask you to give me some indications
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questions, started to retreat, telling me, ashamed, that he had taken Vulpescu’s songs because the occasion to do so presented itself and that, indeed, they had no relevance, that he could see by himself that they cannot be used, but that what they do in their colonies is indeed apocalyptic. As a curious and scientific (with the accent on the last i) man, I asked him to enlighten me in this respect as well. And he told me that, right
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I understand very well what you are saying, what you do is magnificent, if indeed you succeed to do so, what we lack is a musicologist that would occupy himself only with music and, after all, what we do is but a sort of propaganda. As you see, Anton dear, in the end, by putting to use the monographic method of investigation, I managed to realize what the ethnography and anthropology of the great Trocadéro consist of: propaganda’. I can’t
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honorable public that, in fact, exotic music can’t be analyzed until one comes to like it, to feel it, and so she proceeded to make us feel it so as to understand it. She put some rather interesting records but didn’t let any of them go till the end, for princess Kura-go had told her that that song sounded better in this way and, as soon as saying so, she would start singing in Cambodgian (better than the recorded
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princess Kura-go had told her that that song sounded better in this way and, as soon as saying so, she would start singing in Cambodgian (better than the recorded singers) and beating some pans. I couldn’t hold my laughter, but the French in the hall fell into a hysterical trance and applauded till they could clap no more. Hochwissenschaftlich, wissen Sie, mein Herră And at some point, with no remorse, the lady made a revolutionary declaration: in general, Cambodgian songs
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as I was saying above, had been deeply preoccupied with the ways in which the results of the “monographic” campaigns could not only be used by specialists in sociology in order to develop the theory and methods of their discipline, but also best communicated to the general public. Among the new means to do so, the Gustian sociologists used aerial photographs (that allowed a historian-and-sociologist like H.H. Stahl to “see” the ownership of the land and therefore the spatial projection of
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again invited to a highly scientific meeting where they presented a documentary film recently made in Guinea, with lots of money, by a French expedition. The meeting started with a presentation of the two explorers by Dr. Rivet, who proudly, but really proudly, said that they had managed to put together an ethnographer and a geographer and, as a result, the expedition appeared to be most serious. And he passed the word to the geographer who delivered a sort of entertaining
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of Chicago is a dynamic and full of vitality even today. This sociology is a practitioner of paradigms like contextualism, interactionalism, being accurate in “the control of variables”, complementary in approaching complex social phenomena, doing all these often in teamwork. But another question is raised rightly: aren’t by chance these theoretical and methodological paradigms commonplaces in contemporary sociology in general? Without any doubt, they are. What makes Chicago unique among these commontreats is the value and the vigor by which
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What makes Chicago unique among these commontreats is the value and the vigor by which Chicago succeeded in elaborating, promoting and modifying these paradigms inside international sociology, and the fact that Chicago is not only a practitioner of such demands, but also an applier of them in researches with great influence on public affaires and policies. Primit la redacție: ianuarie 2005 Expunerea la violență prin media. O perspectivă psihosociologică Aurora Liiceanu Octavian Rujoiu Institutul de Psihologie Universitatea București În articolul de
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religious practice over the generations is a phenomenon in a structural decline. The investigation confirms the fact that, while the family is deeply transforming, an exam of the solidarities between generations shows that these maintain in time. The changes join, but with the rising autonomy of generations, not without a certain contradiction between the networks of obligations which represents the family solidarities and the norms of independence educated by the modern family. For this reason, sometimes, the exercising of the solidarities
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