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The alternative vision that we propose refers to a feature of the Romanian participatory culture developed în this first post-89 democratic quarter century, respectively to the "electoralism" of the Romanian society. Before anything else, România is a country dominated by an obsession with public image - it is important, because it is a decisive element în the only confrontation that can generate strong public participation - electoral participation. The post `89 history of România is more than a history of political and economic
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participation... The political class that gained access to power after the 1989 Revolution hâș been challenged since its appearance by a core group of protesters, minor în terms of numbers, but loud and very visible, which from the beginning assumed an anticommunist vocation reclaimed either from the historical parties reborn after decades of prohibition, or from younger generations who feel they have not been contaminated by the Soviet ideology 1. Meanwhile, the political opposition that was then born also hâd its
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the Legionary Movement, the Hungarian irredentism or the internațional occult, and identified its main goal aș the territorial division of România. Legionnaires versus Communists, traitors versus traitors, fellows versus comrades - the first moments of the new România were marked by an imagological fight above all else. The explosive development of media 2, consumed în huge quantities by the new "free" citizen, and right to attack your political leader were the ingredients that hampered the new rulers mission the most. The undeniable
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embracing it and using it for itself. Attacked by independent media, it will build its own media and will try to control the message of the other side aș much aș possible. Harassed by other groups' propagandă, it will generate an equal and opposite propagandă. With the establishment of an alternation în government and when all parties have been both în power and în opposition, the permanent clash of public image becomes the key to the entire domestic political construct. În
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independent media, it will build its own media and will try to control the message of the other side aș much aș possible. Harassed by other groups' propagandă, it will generate an equal and opposite propagandă. With the establishment of an alternation în government and when all parties have been both în power and în opposition, the permanent clash of public image becomes the key to the entire domestic political construct. În numerous memoirs of politicians who have taken part în
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being, at one point, focused solely on media perception. Citizen participation în political life is often reduced only to the consumption of media, the crystallization of a point of view based on a received message and then converting it în an electoral option expressed at first în the polls and then at the voting booth. But there are several ways to participate which must exist în order to support a genuine civic culture, one that contributes to the strengthening of democratic
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contributes to the strengthening of democratic values and institutions. Except that, aș discussed below, other types of non-electoral participation can only be observed sporadically, aș exceptions. The rule în post-89 România is non-participation (aș în the past, such features have an extremely high rate of inerția). The emergence of Facebook and social networks (the technological revolution of the last decade) în which the carrier of information is no longer directly the media, but the subjective media consumer (including the possibility to
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to participate directly în the construction of the message and to interact directly), but also of other components of online communication complement the panoramă of the phenomenon. The perpetual unrest în the Romanian public space generates the false impression of an important civic participation, but the study conducted by the Multimedia Foundation shows the opposite - the național profile is rather one of non-participation. Romanians are the type of people that show very little civic, community and political involvement. 8 years after
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political and there is a perpetual confused pattern: new generations do not get involved even though they say they want to participate, because there are no mechanisms to support this intention. What are the four types of participation în România? An important civic culture, aș assessed by classics authors , is defined aș an attribute of a community and implies a high level of citizen involvement în the life of the city. Such a civic culture implies several conditions: - a consensus on
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get involved even though they say they want to participate, because there are no mechanisms to support this intention. What are the four types of participation în România? An important civic culture, aș assessed by classics authors , is defined aș an attribute of a community and implies a high level of citizen involvement în the life of the city. Such a civic culture implies several conditions: - a consensus on the legitimacy of political institutions; - high tolerance towards political pluralism and seeking
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and mutual trust between citizens and institutions and collaboration within the community. These conditions are necessary, în addition to the economic development of a community. A democratic system is supported not only by a strengthening economy, but above all by an increased civic participation. For România, the accession to European and Euro-Atlantic institutions based on democratic values is not a sufficient condition for strengthening its civic culture - it is a prerequisite, such aș another useful condition related to economic development. But
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accession to European and Euro-Atlantic institutions based on democratic values is not a sufficient condition for strengthening its civic culture - it is a prerequisite, such aș another useful condition related to economic development. But for a naturalization of democratic values an increased civic participation is required. În sociological research coordinated by the Infopoliticteam (2011-2013), we defined four different types of participation în public life, according to two criteria - on the one hand, the distinction between political and non-political participation; on the
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office or involvement în the campaign). A person with a high degree of electoral participation hâș confidence în the electoral process, is knowledgeable about candidates and programs, knows the rules of the process, hâș a clear political opinion and is an active participant în elections, which he considers useful to society. - Political participation - manifests itself în a general way, with low intensity, takes the form of supporting some candidates, political party affiliation or participation în political actions. A person with high
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society. - Political participation - manifests itself în a general way, with low intensity, takes the form of supporting some candidates, political party affiliation or participation în political actions. A person with high degree of political participation hâș political knowledge, considers politics an important area, feels comfortable engaging în discussions on the subject or actions and thinks he can influence political decisions through his involvement. By simplifying our research results, which can be studied în more details (including access to databases of measurements
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and the Romanian Army - but their place hâș come rather based on tradition and are not necessarily characterized aș democratic institutions. În the previous communist era, the individual took refuge în the family în order to withstand economically, especially from an alimentary point of view, and to be able to share information or considerations regarding the surrounding reality with someone he trusted. În the past, we have presented specific figures showing that the family hâș always been a substitute for social
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but this acceptance was only partly internalized). After 1989, alongside the transformation crisis the State went through and after the exposure of Romanians to Western ideologies (marked by liberal values), the alternative to the family became the "individual", even în an aggressive manner. Unlike Western societies, where there are four distinct forms of institutions that offer solutions and perspectives for citizens (family, individualism, community, society / state), post-89 România saw only two of these types of institution (family and individual; community and
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than în the political system, is more informed about candidates în elections than political actors within specific organizations and better knows electoral bids than ideological offers and positions. Simply puț, the Romanian citizen who is more interested în who reaches an office than what he later does în that position! The citizen takes part în the voting process, but not în politics. And, besides these moments of effective participation, the interaction with social life is done by "simulating participation", achieved through
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6%, the freedom to choose a representative and to be elected is at 15%, the right to criticize and protest at 9% and șo on. Why is the citizen more interested în voting than în capitalizing on the vote results? An explanation comes from the fact that 45% of the population thinks that the election results do not change anything, while 23% believe that elections are more or less rigged. Then why do they even vote? 66% believe voting is a
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by image and consumed by a constant electoral struggle, parties and their leaders have aggressively instilled the need of rallying to the vote. The failure of the trade union movement, the apparent isolation of the "intelligentsia" (which hâș not found an active role - neither during communism, nor în the post-communist era6) and of civil society structures, the lack of debate outside elections have both led to a permanent polarization of society and to an increasing simplification of the message puț forth
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of the "intelligentsia" (which hâș not found an active role - neither during communism, nor în the post-communist era6) and of civil society structures, the lack of debate outside elections have both led to a permanent polarization of society and to an increasing simplification of the message puț forth during public debate. It is a known fact that the electoral message must be easy to communicate în order to be catchy. Therefore, it is mandatory to be șo designed aș to be
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must be easy to communicate în order to be catchy. Therefore, it is mandatory to be șo designed aș to be understood and picked up by a larger number of citizens. It should not be neither comprehensive, nor scientifically exact. An election message should mobilize and stimulate the intention to vote, not solve the problems of anarea of activity or, even worse, of a nation (the government is - or should be - the one that offers effective solutions for a country's
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biased and superficial; more șo, advocacy groups from classical media or the online environment amplify the aggressiveness of the camps, șo that the citizen spends every moment of his/her life în another chapter of the electoral campaign. It is an endless battle that assumes that the opponent can never be right and that every moment is a good one to defeat him/her along with his/her supporters. This perpetual battle generates social tension that inevitably will be discharged at
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for what they have specifically done during their mandate - the evaluation and comparison is based on themes related to communication and media agenda, în a very limited extent correlated with the real agenda of the citizens. Another reason for having an important electoral participation, although there is clearly a sense of disappointment and disengagement from the political phenomenon and also from other participative phenomenon of a modern society, could be based on the intense communication that the Romanian society hâș developed
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Also, but this time outside the law, there have been different types of "prizes" awarded that have created certain electoral practices characterized by vote buying either with money or with certain types of products. În România there hâș been almost an obsession of convincing people who have never voted and generally stay away from the booths to take part în the process. Many electoral strategies have been based on percentages plucked from non-participants, aș a miraculous solution for overthrowing election predictions
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to those that encourage people to vote. And, most certainly, there hâș been no similar effort to explain the functioning of the institutions that are populated through votes or to clarify the real relationship between citizenship rights and these institutions. An explanation of this distinction hâș to do with the source of these types of participation - electoral participation is encouraged (and required) by political parties, while the other three types we defined should be desired by civil society! Or, here we
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