4,065 matches
-
în which they can be liberals, social democrats/socialists or Christian Democrats. Aș a matter of fact, naționalism hâș managed to become the militant part, ideological în the narrow sense, of culture. Naționalism is not interested în "having" or "distribute", but of "being". Any impact experienced by the European society generates reactions coming from this ideological background, Europeans feeling the need to shelter through the use of the autoreferentiality recipe. Keywords: Europa, europenism, ideology, nation, naționalism. Introducere Provocările la care este
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84980_a_85765]
-
36, inside and at the borders of the Chinese empire, objective which could not be fulfilled using an aggressive, military-based conception of occupation and brutal imposing of the Chinese civilization; on the contrary, by constantly practicing relations based on respect, but also on the attraction exercised by the empire, aș a world of civilization and order 37, on the world beyond its borders. The idea of the empire aș a "pillar of civilization" is of particular importance for the construction of
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84980_a_85765]
-
to always provide it with ways of renewal and protection. This attitude is of great importance în the 21st century, when the external policies of the states, especially în relation to the global agenda (climate changes, relation to the environment), but also with large transnațional corporations, must reflect more and more responsibility to nature, therefore they must adopt a strong național and global ecological side (derived from the concept of "environment security", "human security", "food security", all being interconnected, and regarding
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84980_a_85765]
-
conceived upon the key-role played by institutions, is a veil obscuring the long way to freedom for the human being. That is why he launches the educațional challenge to resilience, not only aș a political way to fight the power, but also în the perspective of building an integrated society. Keywords: Aldo Capitini, prophecy, nonviolence, politics, pedagogy. Introduzione În questo saggio, partendo da alcuni assunti offerti dal pensiero nonviolento di Aldo Capitini, delineeremo una possibile interpretazione del senso e del ruolo
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84979_a_85764]
-
European integration project could be based on a tough politico-cultural fight în a position to undermine the neoliberal ideology. Restarting the process of European integration cannot be the fruit of a ghostly economic recovery or stabilization of the balance states, but only aș a result of a change în perspectives and objectives. To further be a viable project, the European Union needs some changes. Politically, it must be a question of political conflict recovery, reunification of alternative forces and proposing a
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84979_a_85764]
-
neoliberalism. În the ideal contents plan, the concept of solidarity needs to be re-proposed, aș a legal principle that allows the establishment of links outside those of family or community type. În this respect, solidarity is not only a guardianship, but even a direct exercise of freedoms. Keywords: migration, neoliberalism, solidarity, foreign, European Union. 1. 1. Domnule Profesor, dumneavoastră considerați că astăzi, în Europa (și mă refer aici strict la spațiul entității politice al Uniunii Europeană) se află în desfășurare un
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84979_a_85764]
-
active role în the context of the experience of Cromwell's Protectorate 1 -, not only does it mean reasserting its complete relevance to a way of interpreting and problematizing the crucial themes of the civil literature of the 17th century, but it contributes to propose, once again, the peculiar topicality of the corpus of his works, essential to shed light upon a crucial period of English political history. Considering Milton's work în a new way answers the need to take
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84979_a_85764]
-
meets with regicide în its most extreme expression. The monarchomach tendency of Milton's thought, and the overlapping of tyranny and monarchy, at least on the political front, is not linked to the idea of degeneration of the monarchic power, but rather to the firm belief that the institution itself of the monarchy necessarily takes sovereignty away from the people going against the idea of equality of all men. Instead, on the religious front, marked by the impact of puritan education
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84979_a_85764]
-
to the importance of the non written law, which defines the terms of a dialogue în which mân is an active individual, through his intellect, and is aware that "God uses not to captivat under a perpetuall childhood of prescription, but trusts him with the gift of reason to be his own chooser [...]"13. The category of liberty, a fundamental element of Milton's reflection, keeps together two antithetical historical forms, represented by regicide - aș the suspension of the statute of
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84979_a_85764]
-
could connect the theme of the presence, în truth limited, of the idea of liberty linked to the appreciation of the Machiavellian model of the Discorsi, adopted by a large group of Milton's contemporaries, who followed a republican connotation, but absorbed by the author of Paradise Lost aș well în a way which is not marginal, especially starting from the text of the Discorsi, which dates back to the years 1651-52, a period when, aș Armitage notices, "Milton's reading
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84979_a_85764]
-
that those who, however admirably, have founded kingdoms and republic by human laws"18. From what he writes, not only does Milton's admiration emerge for those who were able to imbue în the societas the sense of "true religion", but the poet, by also declaring the inferiority of those who founded reigns and republics based on the laws of men, establishes the superiority of God's law, alien to codifications and the basis of every civil community. Another quotation taken
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84979_a_85764]
-
58 according to whom: "Ad un principe cattivo non è altro rimedio che îl ferro. A curare la malattia del popolo bastano le parole, e a quella del principe bisogna îl ferro". This passage is not followed by any comment, but it is accompanied by Milton's faithful translation în English and by a note on the right margin of the page which says: an occidere liceat. Obviously, the attention given to the theme of regicide and to its connection with
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84979_a_85764]
-
that the passages where the Florentine's name appears are not șo many and, on the whole, Milton's Machiavelli is recalled for the centrality of the theme of virtue, classically intended aș the guiding principle of the republican government, but especially for its antimonarchical role: the quotations taken from the Discorsi are interpreted în the light of a visible ideological overtone fomented by such themes aș a polemic against hereditary monarchy and the defense of Polybius's mixed government system
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84979_a_85764]
-
poet towards the specificity of instituțional forms and insisting on Milton's choice of a sort of virtuous commonwealth of letters founded on Cicero's teachings and admitted: "He of course advocates the ancients aș a touchstone of political wisdom, but turns to Cicero and De Officiis în particular for specific remedies. He also sees the solution to a political crisis aș residing în the cultivation of virtue, the point of which în turn is to ensure that individuals will serve
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84979_a_85764]
-
crisis aș residing în the cultivation of virtue, the point of which în turn is to ensure that individuals will serve the commonwealth more effectively"40. În conclusion, one can share the well-founded impression that Machiavelli, considered aș a republican, but rejected aș an author of the "techniques" of politics, does not add much to what, în the web of Milton's more mature lexicon, hâș been gathered with conviction from the inheritance of the authors of classicism, real conceptual paradigm
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84979_a_85764]
-
în his writing almost an unavoidable synopsis between model of păgân classicism and biblical sources are produced, linked both to Patristics and to Jewish tradition. The web of this dense "mosaic" architecture does not only confirm the peculiar methodological care, but also the unceasing effort to reconcile the religious fervor with the intellectual liberty coming from the ancient lay culture, to create a fusion between "îl rigore ebraicizzante della coscienza e le esigenze d'equilibrio della ragione păgâna"42 that could
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84979_a_85764]
-
not already present în the classical authors whom he șo esteemed". P.A. Rahe, Against Throne and Altar, p. 137. Aș a matter of fact aș recently highlighted by Skinner aș well, the English republicans did not necessarily refer to Machiavelli but they preferred other writers, aș for example Sallustio, considered the most authoritative source for what concerns the birth and decline of the republican government. See Q. Skinner, Virtù rinascimentali, Bologna, Îl Mulino, 2006, p. 10. 42 V. Gabrieli, Puritanesimo e
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84979_a_85764]
-
and on the work of the well-known German historian Ernst Hartvig Kantorowicz, and în particular of his masterpiece, The King's Two Bodies. Keywords: sovereignty, iconocracy, Kantorowicz, Renaissance. The Icon and the Imperium The katèchon (treated not only by Schmitt, but thoroughly analysed în at least two works by Massimo Cacciari, Dell'inizio and Geo-filosofia dell'Europa) presents itself în neutral terms (τό κατέχον, Latin translation: quid detineat) or subjectivised terms (ό κατέχον, Latin translation: qui tenet). Cacciari says that "the
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84979_a_85764]
-
would appear legitimate. However, what Schmitt doesn't see is that the kat'èchon, just to perform such function, must assimilate, internalize the same anomie. To 'restrain it', it can only 'hold it' within itself. Its law is nothing else but the prison where the filius perditionis lives - a prison that his power will inexorably end up by demolishing it. Șo, not only the precariousness and artificiality of this 'containment' work is clear, but much more it is the impossibility for
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84979_a_85764]
-
within itself. Its law is nothing else but the prison where the filius perditionis lives - a prison that his power will inexorably end up by demolishing it. Șo, not only the precariousness and artificiality of this 'containment' work is clear, but much more it is the impossibility for the Christian to truly acknowledge it, aș it reaffirms în toto the original bond between law and sin. Not only the kat'èchon's order eventually turns ouț to be impotent (hence, also
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84979_a_85764]
-
truly acknowledge it, aș it reaffirms în toto the original bond between law and sin. Not only the kat'èchon's order eventually turns ouț to be impotent (hence, also for this reason it is impossible to rely on it), but it is also intrinsically connected to the principle that it should fight, because it hosts it within itself (the filius perditionis is hostis and hospes of the kat'èchon). Sure, the Middle Ages knew also 'heroic' attempts to found the
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84979_a_85764]
-
within itself (the filius perditionis is hostis and hospes of the kat'èchon). Sure, the Middle Ages knew also 'heroic' attempts to found the autonomy of the imperium and conceive its godly origin (just think of Dante's duo ultima). But, to define its own order, the law of the earthly city will come only by giving up any transcendent justification, thus truly representing that space that the mân can fully inhabit 1". În both cases "what/who restrains" is a
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84979_a_85764]
-
katéchein aș if it were a simple external opposition; we have seen that not even the adversari, the antikèisthai of the "homo iniquitatis" is șo. The kat'èchon holds the Anomos from manifesting itself în full, from fulfilling its apocalypse - but only by holding it tight în itself, by detaining it. Therefore, we cannot consider, în any way, the kat'èchon aș mere enemy of the anomie; to prevent it from manifesting itself, it must safeguard it within itself; to prevent
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84979_a_85764]
-
way, the kat'èchon aș mere enemy of the anomie; to prevent it from manifesting itself, it must safeguard it within itself; to prevent its full realization, it must become its prison. The kat'èchon is inhabited by the anomie; but, în letting being inhabited, în making room within itself for the anomie, it also prevents it from appearing apocalyptically, hence it fights it - but to fight it, it can only take it în. It cannot deny its principle, but it
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84979_a_85764]
-
its full realization, it must become its prison. The kat'èchon is inhabited by the anomie; but, în letting being inhabited, în making room within itself for the anomie, it also prevents it from appearing apocalyptically, hence it fights it - but to fight it, it can only take it în. It cannot deny its principle, but it can restrain its full expression 2". The paradoxical characteristic of this force is properly highlighted by Cacciari, since the fact that it can only
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84979_a_85764]