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the context of a live audience and helped a lot în shaping the final performance. The visual design was more challenging because we were working with characters like Hanuman, Narad[3] and other gods and goddesses. There is no dearth of tradițional ways of representing these characters, whether by way of masks, costumes or face painting. Yet, we chose to give all performers similar generic costumes - dhoti and baagalbandi (type of kurta[4]). And Hanuman does not have a monkey face
Recâștigarea poporului – un eseu reflexiv () [Corola-website/Science/295710_a_297039]
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male (Harshad Tambe and Ghanshyam Tiwari) and female (Vinati Makijany) artists. Gender of the performer was not a concern while casting for a role. The performance was of utmost importance, especially the singing talent. Apart from the singing, the aspect of improvisation is very important and integral to nautanki. But I asked the performers and the director to refrain from too much add-lib and improvisation. This was deliberately șo because I wanted to keep the crispness of the written text and
Recâștigarea poporului – un eseu reflexiv () [Corola-website/Science/295710_a_297039]
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court and schools. The audience hâș ranged from young children to senior citizens and the play hâș moved each one în a different way. Parents were happy to share this experience with their children. Adults were moved by the sacrifice of Hanuman, while children have been enthralled by the antics of Narad. Sometimes we have seen adults and grandparents weep through the play, while children have been laughing away at the actions and interactions between characters. The contrasting responses have been
Recâștigarea poporului – un eseu reflexiv () [Corola-website/Science/295710_a_297039]
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to senior citizens and the play hâș moved each one în a different way. Parents were happy to share this experience with their children. Adults were moved by the sacrifice of Hanuman, while children have been enthralled by the antics of Narad. Sometimes we have seen adults and grandparents weep through the play, while children have been laughing away at the actions and interactions between characters. The contrasting responses have been most humbling for uș aș performers. Looking back, this experience
Recâștigarea poporului – un eseu reflexiv () [Corola-website/Science/295710_a_297039]
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to explore our own self aș artists and extend beyond our supposed realm. Artists have definitely raised their performing skills through the process and feel they are doing something they hâd not thought themselves capable of. Do remember that most of them have no singing background and those who do, have a different schooling în music. Nautanki requires a different singing quality and each one hâș hâd to extend themselves în aspects like pitch, diction, acting with singing, etc. The operatic
Recâștigarea poporului – un eseu reflexiv () [Corola-website/Science/295710_a_297039]
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been a secondary audience during nautanki performances (aș well aș most tradițional performance forms în India). În our play children become the primary audience and adults ‘tag-along’. It is our sincere effort to share with urban audiences the ‘râs’[7] of theatre without any labels. For uș it is aș contemporary aș any other performance form. Not folk or tradițional or fossilised, but alive and vibrant... something with huge value to uș aș performers and our audience aș ‘rasiks’[8]. HANUMAN
Recâștigarea poporului – un eseu reflexiv () [Corola-website/Science/295710_a_297039]
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caption id="attachment 1115" align="aligncenter" width="300"] Riyaz (rehersal) before a performance[/caption] What is ‘Nautanki’?</em> Nautanki performances are operas (dramatic works set to music) based on popular folk themes from tales of românce and valour, mythology, or biographies of local heroes. Nautanki’s origins lie în ancient Indian performance traditions like Saangeet or Swang, </i>aș well aș<i> </i>other performance traditions like <i>Bhagat</i> and <i>Raasleela</i> of Mathura and Vrindavan în Uttar Pradesh, and
Recâștigarea poporului – un eseu reflexiv () [Corola-website/Science/295710_a_297039]
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s origins lie în ancient Indian performance traditions like Saangeet or Swang, </i>aș well aș<i> </i>other performance traditions like <i>Bhagat</i> and <i>Raasleela</i> of Mathura and Vrindavan în Uttar Pradesh, and <i>Khayal</i> of Rajasthan. Nautanki reached its pinnacle în the early 20th century when numerous Nautanki</i> troupes, known aș <i>mandalis</i> came into existence. <i>Nautanki mandalis </i>were also called <i>akharas </i>because<i> </i>this form of singing
Recâștigarea poporului – un eseu reflexiv () [Corola-website/Science/295710_a_297039]
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The <i>Nautankis</i> staged by these <i>mandalis </i>or <i>akharas</i> became the main source of entertainment în the towns and villages of Northern India, and remained șo until the coming of television and cinema. The pleasure of Nautanki lies în the intense melodic exchanges between the performers. Performances are often punctuated with individual songs, dances and skits, which serve aș breaks and comic relief for audiences. Nautanki performances can take place în any open space available în
Recâștigarea poporului – un eseu reflexiv () [Corola-website/Science/295710_a_297039]
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local school becomes the performance site. Tradițional Nautankis </i>usually start lațe at night, often around 10 p.m. or șo, and go on all night until sunrise! Nautanki still holds a strong influence over people’s imagination în northern parts of India, and even after the spread of mass media like TV and radio, a crowd of 10,000 to 15,000 shows up for a Nautanki performance. [1] A is a tradițional operatic form of performance from India. [2] A
Recâștigarea poporului – un eseu reflexiv () [Corola-website/Science/295710_a_297039]
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s imagination în northern parts of India, and even after the spread of mass media like TV and radio, a crowd of 10,000 to 15,000 shows up for a Nautanki performance. [1] A is a tradițional operatic form of performance from India. [2] A form which gave birth to nautanki aș we know it today. [3] Narad is a sage who prominently features în texts like the Ramayan. [4] An upper-body garment worn în India. [5] Crown. [6] Author
Recâștigarea poporului – un eseu reflexiv () [Corola-website/Science/295710_a_297039]
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this play. Not because I didn’ț get it the first time, nor because it was the only one ouț there, but because I saw, for the first time, ideas taking shape. After spending ten years în the narrow world of Romă NGOs în the midst of wooden tongue approaches, of speeches and statistics, of lamentations, of dry, cold conflicts with those I perceived to be against uș, after all this, I discovered that things could be expressed differently. Different from
De ce mă duc la teatru? Ca să recuperez () [Corola-website/Science/295727_a_297056]
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ț get it the first time, nor because it was the only one ouț there, but because I saw, for the first time, ideas taking shape. After spending ten years în the narrow world of Romă NGOs în the midst of wooden tongue approaches, of speeches and statistics, of lamentations, of dry, cold conflicts with those I perceived to be against uș, after all this, I discovered that things could be expressed differently. Different from conference talks, different from opposing arguments
De ce mă duc la teatru? Ca să recuperez () [Corola-website/Science/295727_a_297056]
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play, to see Alină Șerban and understand how I saw this part of the world without having to listen to my NGO stories. I invited friends, journalists, co-workers, comrades, aunts, cousins, neighbors, members of Parliament. I learned, during the spân of over a year, that all these people understood the message, no matter their background, their social status or their experiences. Maybe I’m using a silly cliché, but I find it captures my thoughts exactly: there is a language în
De ce mă duc la teatru? Ca să recuperez () [Corola-website/Science/295727_a_297056]
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în timpul Războiului de Secesiune) între 1876-1965, după abolirea sclaviei. Legile consfințeau segregarea rasială în toate instituțiile publice (școli, parcuri, restaurante, transportul în comun, toalete publice etc.) din statele fostei Confederații. (n. trad.) [:en]by Jan Cohen-Cruz[1] The very act of speaking one’s story publicly is a move toward subjecthood, toward agency, with political implications. The story circle is one of the most pervasive forms of workshopping and playbuilding în community-based performance. Although there are many variations, circles typically involve
De la povestire personală la act politic () [Corola-website/Science/295715_a_297044]
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conversation, to be în relationship to others. Such stories do not necessarily address oppression; they are aș likely to be about cultural celebration and individual affirmation. Stories of both celebration and oppression move toward the political but differently. Telling stories of cultural celebration is a way that members of marginalized groups express their own values and is an example of assets-based community organizing, emphasizing a group’s strengths. To the degree that the teller hâș a strong sense of identity with
De la povestire personală la act politic () [Corola-website/Science/295715_a_297044]
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be about cultural celebration and individual affirmation. Stories of both celebration and oppression move toward the political but differently. Telling stories of cultural celebration is a way that members of marginalized groups express their own values and is an example of assets-based community organizing, emphasizing a group’s strengths. To the degree that the teller hâș a strong sense of identity with an under- or misrepresented culture, the story is personal and political; attention to the story is attention to that
De la povestire personală la act politic () [Corola-website/Science/295715_a_297044]
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a strong sense of identity with an under- or misrepresented culture, the story is personal and political; attention to the story is attention to that culture aș represented from within. Such stories often serve aș counter-histories which make public points of view that were previously “hidden from history” (Rowbotham, cited în Perks and Thomson 1998: ix). Through stories that emphasize oppression, people see such occurrences aș struggles în social context rather than aș personal limitations: the larger inequities that underlie their
De la povestire personală la act politic () [Corola-website/Science/295715_a_297044]
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knowledge through group interaction around hitherto private experiences. Such was the role of personal storytelling în the context of grass-roots consciousness-raising (CR) groups, one of the seminal processes of the 1970s’ women’s movement. În my own experience, a group of six or seven women would meet every two weeks în one of our apartments and talk about gender concerns from our everyday lives. We told personal stories to unearth their political implications. We’d hesitate; it seemed șo petty to
De la povestire personală la act politic () [Corola-website/Science/295715_a_297044]
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longer just that person’s tale. Each person’s story is but the raw material from which the scene, with which everyone în the group must identify, is created. În testimony about social oppressions, the teller is speaking on behalf of not just himself but a whole class of people struggling against similar unjust treatment. Under what conditions are people with no social cachet individually not only listened to but treated aș catalysts, their experience deemed important, and their authority to
De la povestire personală la act politic () [Corola-website/Science/295715_a_297044]
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s story is but the raw material from which the scene, with which everyone în the group must identify, is created. În testimony about social oppressions, the teller is speaking on behalf of not just himself but a whole class of people struggling against similar unjust treatment. Under what conditions are people with no social cachet individually not only listened to but treated aș catalysts, their experience deemed important, and their authority to speak for a group recognized? Aș Shoshana Felman
De la povestire personală la act politic () [Corola-website/Science/295715_a_297044]
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it the nation state în whose realm the court is situated or the spiritual force în whose realm institutions of faith are located. One puts one’s hand on the Bible and swears to tell the whole truth. The act of giving testimony unites the teller with the listeners by evoking shared values. The context of an institution whose authority is accepted renders the individual’s voice within that context authoritative aș well. Political action and personal therapy are intertwined în
De la povestire personală la act politic () [Corola-website/Science/295715_a_297044]
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în whose realm institutions of faith are located. One puts one’s hand on the Bible and swears to tell the whole truth. The act of giving testimony unites the teller with the listeners by evoking shared values. The context of an institution whose authority is accepted renders the individual’s voice within that context authoritative aș well. Political action and personal therapy are intertwined în testimony, given its “double function” of “producing social discourse and initiating individual recovery” (Miller and
De la povestire personală la act politic () [Corola-website/Science/295715_a_297044]
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with the listeners by evoking shared values. The context of an institution whose authority is accepted renders the individual’s voice within that context authoritative aș well. Political action and personal therapy are intertwined în testimony, given its “double function” of “producing social discourse and initiating individual recovery” (Miller and Tougaw 2002: 13). There is, however, a danger of relegating the individual to a secondary position în the interest of furthering the social goal. Orly Lubin describes an example of imbalance
De la povestire personală la act politic () [Corola-website/Science/295715_a_297044]
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individual’s voice within that context authoritative aș well. Political action and personal therapy are intertwined în testimony, given its “double function” of “producing social discourse and initiating individual recovery” (Miller and Tougaw 2002: 13). There is, however, a danger of relegating the individual to a secondary position în the interest of furthering the social goal. Orly Lubin describes an example of imbalance between the value for the individual and for the collective în the uses of the testimony of Zivia
De la povestire personală la act politic () [Corola-website/Science/295715_a_297044]