45,651 matches
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have smaller readings, which we don’ț advertise much, we just use e-mail and Facebook and we have maybe like 60 people coming ouț. Sometimes we organize them în partnership with the Național Library of Uganda, the Național Book Trust of Uganda, The Național Library of Uganda, Goethe Institute, British Council and other partners. Sometimes we have bigger readings which we advertise, we puț it în the press, but that’s only twice or once a year such aș on World
„Noi ar trebui să fim, de fapt, non-partizane, însă noi promovăm vocea femeilor, noi rupem tăcerea femeilor și consolidăm poziția lor socială...” () [Corola-website/Science/295729_a_297058]
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we get funding. And these attract about 200 people who we engage with, în public discussion/dialogue. But every week we also have an interesting Reader’s Writers’ Club which meets at our office. There you can have any number of people attending. You can have any number between 10 and 30 or 35, every Monday, at 17.30hours. It’s a two hour meeting but sometimes people sit for over three hours talking, discussing and networking over a cup of
„Noi ar trebui să fim, de fapt, non-partizane, însă noi promovăm vocea femeilor, noi rupem tăcerea femeilor și consolidăm poziția lor socială...” () [Corola-website/Science/295729_a_297058]
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be non-partisan. But în a way we are promoting the voice of a woman, breaking the woman’s silence, strengthening the social position of the woman and promoting respect for humanity. What is the official politic of the actual government of Uganda? Officially, it is a democratic government. And unofficially - you have Femrite and other associations who fight against it... I don’ț know. I can’ț commit myself. But a few days ago I wrote a very short poem titled
„Noi ar trebui să fim, de fapt, non-partizane, însă noi promovăm vocea femeilor, noi rupem tăcerea femeilor și consolidăm poziția lor socială...” () [Corola-website/Science/295729_a_297058]
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we have some big publishing houses în România who are here, at the Romanian Pavilion... I saw the pavilion. It is very big! 100sqm în which are promoted the good writers, many of them have been translated în a lot of foreign languages and even one of the authors won yesterday the European Council Prize for Literature. Actually, în my opinion, that’s a problem, the problem în România is that the Romanian culture is too literary... it is exhausting literary
„Noi ar trebui să fim, de fapt, non-partizane, însă noi promovăm vocea femeilor, noi rupem tăcerea femeilor și consolidăm poziția lor socială...” () [Corola-website/Science/295729_a_297058]
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renovau cu mândrie și spor mărgineau depozite, tipografii și garaje - infrastructură industriei ușoare din zona care, împreună cu casele, creau acel cartier mixt ideal (de locuințe și industrial) pe care Jane Jacobs îl preamărește în cartea ei, The Death and Life of Great American Cities (Moartea și viața marilor orașe americane).[3] Este vorba chiar de cartierul în care Jacobs locuia la vremea respectivă. Familiile care îi erau vecine au fost la baza mișcării grass-roots</i> pentru conservarea cartierului pe care ea
De la producția artistică la piața imobiliară () [Corola-website/Science/295756_a_297085]
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to redevelop their downtown around an arts presence. The early-twentieth century "civic centers," which were planned and built by earlier local elites, suggest a precedent for concentrating cultural facilities near, but not în, the downtown area. The more recent construction of Lincoln Center for the Performing Arts în New York, în the lațe 1950s, set another important example. Although Lincoln Center's destruction of housing stock în stable, low-income communities was not really defensible, its construction of arts facilities was deemed socially
De la producția artistică la piața imobiliară () [Corola-website/Science/295756_a_297085]
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suggest a precedent for concentrating cultural facilities near, but not în, the downtown area. The more recent construction of Lincoln Center for the Performing Arts în New York, în the lațe 1950s, set another important example. Although Lincoln Center's destruction of housing stock în stable, low-income communities was not really defensible, its construction of arts facilities was deemed socially acceptable. Moreover, the amenity that a concentrated arts presence offers to middle-class and upper-class arts consumers makes it possible to charge high
De la producția artistică la piața imobiliară () [Corola-website/Science/295756_a_297085]
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makes it possible to charge high prices for the housing that is eventually built nearby. Lincoln Center demonstrated that placing infrastructure for the arts în a devalorized area can work wonders for real estate development. Ten years later, the lofts of SoHo provided unexpected confirmation of this rule. To a degree, aș the discussion of the artist's studio suggests, ăn arts presence is attractive for purely symbolic reasons. However, the history of modern art markets and state support for the
De la producția artistică la piața imobiliară () [Corola-website/Science/295756_a_297085]
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real estate development. Ten years later, the lofts of SoHo provided unexpected confirmation of this rule. To a degree, aș the discussion of the artist's studio suggests, ăn arts presence is attractive for purely symbolic reasons. However, the history of modern art markets and state support for the arts indicates that the symbolism is also connected with motifs of power. There is yet a third factor that explains the value of an arts presence to contemporary cities. This refers to
De la producția artistică la piața imobiliară () [Corola-website/Science/295756_a_297085]
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an arts presence to contemporary cities. This refers to the crucial role that arts production - involving the creation aș well aș the presentation or the performance of artwork- plays în deindustrialization. Both materially and symbolically, artists' lofts serve aș infra-structure of a very special sort în the transition from an industrial to a deindustrialized urban economy. On the one hand, they are a place where "post-industrial" production is really carried ouț. On the other hand, they embody the switch în orientation
De la producția artistică la piața imobiliară () [Corola-website/Science/295756_a_297085]
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On the other hand, they embody the switch în orientation from an industrial political economy to one that is dominated by the service sector. Aș both site and symbol, the artist's loft serves a purpose în a world city of a new type: the capital of banking, finance, and art markets. În this sense it is not surprising that declining manufacturing centers like New York have hailed artists aș an "industry." Moreover, art is a growth industry for a period of
De la producția artistică la piața imobiliară () [Corola-website/Science/295756_a_297085]
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the switch în orientation from an industrial political economy to one that is dominated by the service sector. Aș both site and symbol, the artist's loft serves a purpose în a world city of a new type: the capital of banking, finance, and art markets. În this sense it is not surprising that declining manufacturing centers like New York have hailed artists aș an "industry." Moreover, art is a growth industry for a period of economic no-growth, a sector în which
De la producția artistică la piața imobiliară () [Corola-website/Science/295756_a_297085]
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Moreover, art is a growth industry for a period of economic no-growth, a sector în which quality, not size, is determinant. "The arts may be small în economic terms even în this region," says Dick Netzer, pro-arts advocate and member of New York City's powerful Municipal Assistance Corporation, "but the arts 'industry' is one of our few growth industries .... The concentration of the arts în New York is one of the attributes that makes it distinctive, and distinctive în a positive sense
De la producția artistică la piața imobiliară () [Corola-website/Science/295756_a_297085]
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the rest of the world." Nevertheless, în the course of subsidizing artists' physical infrastructure, there emerged several contradictions between the intentions and the consequences of state support. First, artists' access to loft space was championed by two constituencies different sets of goals: an upper-class group of patrons of the arts and patrician politicians who wanted to promote artists and save old buildings and a middle-class group of urban homeowners - including artists - who wanted to protect their neighborhoods. Eventually the success of
De la producția artistică la piața imobiliară () [Corola-website/Science/295756_a_297085]
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Nevertheless, în the course of subsidizing artists' physical infrastructure, there emerged several contradictions between the intentions and the consequences of state support. First, artists' access to loft space was championed by two constituencies different sets of goals: an upper-class group of patrons of the arts and patrician politicians who wanted to promote artists and save old buildings and a middle-class group of urban homeowners - including artists - who wanted to protect their neighborhoods. Eventually the success of both constituencies opened up loft
De la producția artistică la piața imobiliară () [Corola-website/Science/295756_a_297085]
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of goals: an upper-class group of patrons of the arts and patrician politicians who wanted to promote artists and save old buildings and a middle-class group of urban homeowners - including artists - who wanted to protect their neighborhoods. Eventually the success of both constituencies opened up loft areas to real estate developers. Second, the spread of loft living to a larger middle-class group of housing consumers caused a conflict în the loft market between two basically "nonproductive" uses: arts infrastructure and housing
De la producția artistică la piața imobiliară () [Corola-website/Science/295756_a_297085]
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and a middle-class group of urban homeowners - including artists - who wanted to protect their neighborhoods. Eventually the success of both constituencies opened up loft areas to real estate developers. Second, the spread of loft living to a larger middle-class group of housing consumers caused a conflict în the loft market between two basically "nonproductive" uses: arts infrastructure and housing. În time, competition over the finite amount of space în old loft buildings turned the artists' subsidy into the pivot of a
De la producția artistică la piața imobiliară () [Corola-website/Science/295756_a_297085]
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group of housing consumers caused a conflict în the loft market between two basically "nonproductive" uses: arts infrastructure and housing. În time, competition over the finite amount of space în old loft buildings turned the artists' subsidy into the pivot of a new market. Third, the people who moved into lofts and created their own, loft dwellers' constituency defended their right to live în lofts but opposed real estate development. To their chagrin, they found they couldn't have it both
De la producția artistică la piața imobiliară () [Corola-website/Science/295756_a_297085]
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housing finally created demand for a market în living lofts. A Housing Subsidy for Artists [...] Although the impetus for subsidizing artists' housing în loft neighborhoods originated în the upper-class patron-artist connection, the idea became popular because of the active support of a middle-class arts constituency. This constituency played the midwife's role în the curious sequence of events that led up to the birth of the Greenwich Street co-op. Their background is significant to the story. At the end of the
De la producția artistică la piața imobiliară () [Corola-website/Science/295756_a_297085]
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proudly renovated abutted the area's warehouses, printing plants, and garages- the commercial and light industrial facilities which, together with the houses, created the ideal type of mixed-use neighborhood that Jane Jacobs praises în her book The Death and Life of Great American Cities. În fact, this was the neighborhood where Jacobs lived at the time. The middle-class families who were her neighbors formed the base of the grass-roots movement for neighborhood preservation that she inspired. It is important to know
De la producția artistică la piața imobiliară () [Corola-website/Science/295756_a_297085]
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left two imprints on the West Village. First, the old Jane Jacobs constituency remained mobilized and formed a new, more permanent base în the area's Reform Democratic Club and the community board. Second, the homeowners remained sensitive to issues of neighborhood preservation. When buildings în their purview were puț up for sale or vacated, they were vigilant. În 1967 the local city council member started a chain reaction when she heard that a loft building în the neighborhood was going
De la producția artistică la piața imobiliară () [Corola-website/Science/295756_a_297085]
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wanted a strategy to fight market forces. The artists' presence în the neighborhood aș both producers and residents seemed to hedge all bets. Because artists wanted to live and work în lofts the way they were, they offered the possibility of having a stabilizing rather than an accelerating effect on a neighborhood în transition. Surely this seemed reasonable at the time. Initially, the same middle-class dream also dominated the efforts of SoHo's artist-residents to secure the right to their lofts
De la producția artistică la piața imobiliară () [Corola-website/Science/295756_a_297085]
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în lofts the way they were, they offered the possibility of having a stabilizing rather than an accelerating effect on a neighborhood în transition. Surely this seemed reasonable at the time. Initially, the same middle-class dream also dominated the efforts of SoHo's artist-residents to secure the right to their lofts. But SoHo was different from the West Village. În contrast to the narrow strip of land along the Hudson, SoHo took up a sizable chunk of the middle of the
De la producția artistică la piața imobiliară () [Corola-website/Science/295756_a_297085]
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this seemed reasonable at the time. Initially, the same middle-class dream also dominated the efforts of SoHo's artist-residents to secure the right to their lofts. But SoHo was different from the West Village. În contrast to the narrow strip of land along the Hudson, SoHo took up a sizable chunk of the middle of the island. Aș a future gateway to a redeveloped Lower Manhattan, the area attracted the interest of big real estate investors and planners. There were also
De la producția artistică la piața imobiliară () [Corola-website/Science/295756_a_297085]
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interest of big real estate investors and planners. There were also the zoning regulations that prohibited residential use în a manufacturing zone. Șo în order to assure a housing subsidy în SoHo, artists hâd to rely on the direct intervention of powerful forces: the upper-class arts constituency and their patrician politicians. "People with money saved SoHo," an early activist în the SoHo Artists' Tenants' Association says. Another SoHo artist recalls, "We all hâd 'uptown friends.'" He explains: “We hâd gallery owners
De la producția artistică la piața imobiliară () [Corola-website/Science/295756_a_297085]