45,651 matches
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artistic acts which question recent history end up legitimizing mainstream political strategies, thus enforcing the dominant narrative? The theme of issue #7 of the Gazeta </b><b>de Artă Politică - </b><b>Recent History Theatre - </b>focuses on a series of controversial, contested and ignored events, tackled from an engaged socio-political outlook în performances which have shaped documentary theatre discourse în România and Moldova în recent years. Factual history, fueled by the wie es eigentlich gewesen (“how it actually was”) principle
Apel la texte și intervenții – GAP 7: Teatrul istoriilor recente () [Corola-website/Science/295780_a_297109]
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to question the commonly-held views over the recent history of România and Moldova have gradually begun to inițiate a debate on the historiographical canon, which is one of the main suppliers of the ideology of the transition period. By means of performative elements, ăn artistic project which presents and represents an event from the recent past (from World War 2 to the present day), excluded form historiography or from history textbooks, can reveal the multitude of meanings which have been attributed
Apel la texte și intervenții – GAP 7: Teatrul istoriilor recente () [Corola-website/Science/295780_a_297109]
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a transforma omenirea într-un loc mai bun și mai prietenos?[:en]by Irina Costache I first came across Nina Cassian în her volumes Memory aș Dowry. From her diary notes spread across half a century, I built an image of her aș a sort of feminist-poetic ideal. Nina Cassian seemed to be a free woman, open to experimenting (either poetically, politically or amorously), a woman dedicated to her work (maybe the only woman who was known to spend her entire
Nina Cassian: despre cum să trăiești idealul nobil al comunismului () [Corola-website/Science/295776_a_297105]
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from a subsequent encounter that she hâd no interest whatsoever în who her informants were. After all, how could she have judged others who probably believed în the Communist ideals aș well? Not to mention the fact that the label of anti-Communist dissident would not have suited her. Reading the file is a fun endeavor not only because one can easily imagine the fascination the investigating officer hâd with the poet - an officer extremely careful with the details regarding her private
Nina Cassian: despre cum să trăiești idealul nobil al comunismului () [Corola-website/Science/295776_a_297105]
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with lesbian affairs, flings with fishermen or hanky-panky with complete strangers. Nothing spectacular about the summers în 2 Mai, either. The intelligentsia carried on with its usual get-togethers, complaining about Party connections, low supply of paper, scarce finances and shortages of food / drinks. There are several reports containing more substanțial discussions, one referring to the emancipation of women under Ceaușescu, nothing less than “a patriarchy imposed through the Family Code” and another referring to the anti-Semite tilt of the regime: “I
Nina Cassian: despre cum să trăiești idealul nobil al comunismului () [Corola-website/Science/295776_a_297105]
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To what extent do artistic acts which question recent history end up legitimizing mainstream political strategies, thus enforcing the dominant narrative? The theme of issue #7 of the Gazeta de Artă Politică - Recent History Theatre - </b>focuses on a series of controversial, contested and ignored events, tackled from an engaged socio-political outlook în performances which have shaped documentary theatre discourse în România and Moldova în recent years. Factual history, fueled by the wie es eigentlich gewesen (“how it actually was”) principle
Teatrul istoriilor recente () [Corola-website/Science/295786_a_297115]
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to question the commonly-held views over the recent history of România and Moldova have gradually begun to inițiate a debate on the historiographical canon, which is one of the main suppliers of the ideology of the transition period. By means of performative elements, ăn artistic project which presents and represents an event from the recent past (from World War 2 to the present day), excluded form historiography or from history textbooks, can reveal the multitude of meanings which have been attributed
Teatrul istoriilor recente () [Corola-website/Science/295786_a_297115]
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Sambriș, Ina Surdu, Doriana Talmazan and Irina Vacarciuc. Producers: Nicoleta Esinencu and Nora Dorogan. The performance premiered on June 20 2011, at Teatrul Spălătorie, Kishinev, Moldova. </i> ROGVAIV (Roy G. Biv în English) is a document-performance about openly-manifested intolerance, devoid of any responsibility, control or sense of shame, expressed by opinion leaders and public personalities from The Republic of Moldova în 2011. The topics brought forward by the actor-performers during the documenting process made up a complex image of the social
ROGVAIV – proiect de artă activă împotriva oricărei forme de discriminare () [Corola-website/Science/295781_a_297110]
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Irina Vacarciuc. Producers: Nicoleta Esinencu and Nora Dorogan. The performance premiered on June 20 2011, at Teatrul Spălătorie, Kishinev, Moldova. </i> ROGVAIV (Roy G. Biv în English) is a document-performance about openly-manifested intolerance, devoid of any responsibility, control or sense of shame, expressed by opinion leaders and public personalities from The Republic of Moldova în 2011. The topics brought forward by the actor-performers during the documenting process made up a complex image of the social issues confronting Moldova în 2011. Doriana
ROGVAIV – proiect de artă activă împotriva oricărei forme de discriminare () [Corola-website/Science/295781_a_297110]
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June 20 2011, at Teatrul Spălătorie, Kishinev, Moldova. </i> ROGVAIV (Roy G. Biv în English) is a document-performance about openly-manifested intolerance, devoid of any responsibility, control or sense of shame, expressed by opinion leaders and public personalities from The Republic of Moldova în 2011. The topics brought forward by the actor-performers during the documenting process made up a complex image of the social issues confronting Moldova în 2011. Doriana Talmazan suggested exploring the relation between state and church (în the context
ROGVAIV – proiect de artă activă împotriva oricărei forme de discriminare () [Corola-website/Science/295781_a_297110]
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Moldova în 2011. The topics brought forward by the actor-performers during the documenting process made up a complex image of the social issues confronting Moldova în 2011. Doriana Talmazan suggested exploring the relation between state and church (în the context of Moldova being a secular state), sexual education în school and inside the family, the unification with România, homophobia and the antidiscrimination law, freedom of speech within the theater. Irina Vacarciuc suggested researching the media aș a source of information or
ROGVAIV – proiect de artă activă împotriva oricărei forme de discriminare () [Corola-website/Science/295781_a_297110]
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Moldova în 2011. Doriana Talmazan suggested exploring the relation between state and church (în the context of Moldova being a secular state), sexual education în school and inside the family, the unification with România, homophobia and the antidiscrimination law, freedom of speech within the theater. Irina Vacarciuc suggested researching the media aș a source of information or manipulation, sexual education în schools, discrimination based on sexual orientation, the family aș a pillar of society and domestic violence, and Moldovan identity. Emilian
ROGVAIV – proiect de artă activă împotriva oricărei forme de discriminare () [Corola-website/Science/295781_a_297110]
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the context of Moldova being a secular state), sexual education în school and inside the family, the unification with România, homophobia and the antidiscrimination law, freedom of speech within the theater. Irina Vacarciuc suggested researching the media aș a source of information or manipulation, sexual education în schools, discrimination based on sexual orientation, the family aș a pillar of society and domestic violence, and Moldovan identity. Emilian Cretu’s proposals contain religion, sexual education, the antidiscrimination law and the possibility of
ROGVAIV – proiect de artă activă împotriva oricărei forme de discriminare () [Corola-website/Science/295781_a_297110]
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with România, homophobia and the antidiscrimination law, freedom of speech within the theater. Irina Vacarciuc suggested researching the media aș a source of information or manipulation, sexual education în schools, discrimination based on sexual orientation, the family aș a pillar of society and domestic violence, and Moldovan identity. Emilian Cretu’s proposals contain religion, sexual education, the antidiscrimination law and the possibility of Russian aș a second official language. Ina Surdu suggested domestic violence - a topic explored by the actress în
ROGVAIV – proiect de artă activă împotriva oricărei forme de discriminare () [Corola-website/Science/295781_a_297110]
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the education system and corruption în higher education. The topic which was common to all five actors was the antidiscrimination law, which was rejected from promulgation by the Parliament because it contained the concept of sexual orientation în the list of discriminated categories. [...] The seven scenes reconstructed în ROGVAIV were: Red - the press conference of the EU Ambassador to Moldova, wherein he condemned the setbacks în the EU integration agreement; Orange - a discriminatory blog post by a Moldovan student at the
ROGVAIV – proiect de artă activă împotriva oricărei forme de discriminare () [Corola-website/Science/295781_a_297110]
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Sare și Piper (Salt and Pepper) </b>talk-show where the guest, Jon Onoje, ăn immigrant from Sierra Leone who hâd just become a Moldovan citizen, is ridiculed by the talk-show hosts; Blue - a socially-oriented show where 2 women from the outskirts of Kishinev protest against the building of a center for children with disabilities on their street. Indigo - the political talk-show <b>În Profunzime</b> (<b>În Depth)</b>, where three of Moldova’s political leaders burst into laughter whenever coming across
ROGVAIV – proiect de artă activă împotriva oricărei forme de discriminare () [Corola-website/Science/295781_a_297110]
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revealed the situation which led to the 27 year-old’s suicide and presented other abuses by state employees, aiming to encourage the victims and their family to press charges and puț pressure on the authorities without any fear or shame of exposure. [...]
ROGVAIV – proiect de artă activă împotriva oricărei forme de discriminare () [Corola-website/Science/295781_a_297110]
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aș political subjects; on the other hand, representation is the normative function of a language which is said either to reveal or to distort what is assumed to be true about the category of women. For feminist theory, the development of a language that fully or adequately represents women hâș seemed necessary to foster the political visibility of women. This hâș seemed obviously important considering the pervasive cultural condition în which women’s lives were either misrepresented or not represented at
Feminismul și subversiunea identității () [Corola-website/Science/295774_a_297103]
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the pervasive cultural condition în which women’s lives were either misrepresented or not represented at all. Recently, this prevailing conception of the relation between feminist theory and politics hâș come under challenge from within feminist discourse. The very subject of women is no longer understood în stable or abiding terms. There is a great deal of material that not only questions the viability of “the subject” aș the ultimate candidate for representation or, indeed, liberation, but there is very little
Feminismul și subversiunea identității () [Corola-website/Science/295774_a_297103]
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all. Recently, this prevailing conception of the relation between feminist theory and politics hâș come under challenge from within feminist discourse. The very subject of women is no longer understood în stable or abiding terms. There is a great deal of material that not only questions the viability of “the subject” aș the ultimate candidate for representation or, indeed, liberation, but there is very little agreement after all on what it is that constitutes, or ought to constitute, the category of
Feminismul și subversiunea identității () [Corola-website/Science/295774_a_297103]
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only questions the viability of “the subject” aș the ultimate candidate for representation or, indeed, liberation, but there is very little agreement after all on what it is that constitutes, or ought to constitute, the category of women. The domains of political and linguistic “representation” set ouț în advance the criterion by which subjects themselves are formed, with the result that representation is extended only to what can be acknowledged aș a subject. În other words, the qualifications for being a
Feminismul și subversiunea identității () [Corola-website/Science/295774_a_297103]
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come to represent. Juridical notions of power appear to regulate political life în purely negative terms—that is, through the limitation, prohibition, regulation, control, and even “protection” of individuals related to that political structure through the contingent and retractable operation of choice. But the subjects regulated by such structures are, by virtue of being subjected to them, formed, defined, and reproduced în accordance with the requirements of those structures. If this analysis is right, then the juridical formation of language and
Feminismul și subversiunea identității () [Corola-website/Science/295774_a_297103]
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în purely negative terms—that is, through the limitation, prohibition, regulation, control, and even “protection” of individuals related to that political structure through the contingent and retractable operation of choice. But the subjects regulated by such structures are, by virtue of being subjected to them, formed, defined, and reproduced în accordance with the requirements of those structures. If this analysis is right, then the juridical formation of language and politics that represents women aș “the subject” of feminism is itself a
Feminismul și subversiunea identității () [Corola-website/Science/295774_a_297103]
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protection” of individuals related to that political structure through the contingent and retractable operation of choice. But the subjects regulated by such structures are, by virtue of being subjected to them, formed, defined, and reproduced în accordance with the requirements of those structures. If this analysis is right, then the juridical formation of language and politics that represents women aș “the subject” of feminism is itself a discursive formation and effect of a given version of representational politics. And the feminist
Feminismul și subversiunea identității () [Corola-website/Science/295774_a_297103]
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în accordance with the requirements of those structures. If this analysis is right, then the juridical formation of language and politics that represents women aș “the subject” of feminism is itself a discursive formation and effect of a given version of representational politics. And the feminist subject turns ouț to be discursively constituted by the very political system that is supposed to facilitate its emancipation. This becomes politically problematic if that system can be shown to produce gendered subjects along a
Feminismul și subversiunea identității () [Corola-website/Science/295774_a_297103]