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And the feminist subject turns ouț to be discursively constituted by the very political system that is supposed to facilitate its emancipation. This becomes politically problematic if that system can be shown to produce gendered subjects along a differential axis of domination or to produce subjects who are presumed to be masculine. În such cases, ăn uncritical appeal to such a system for the emancipation of “women” will be clearly self-defeating. The question of “the subject” is crucial for politics, and
Feminismul și subversiunea identității () [Corola-website/Science/295774_a_297103]
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produce gendered subjects along a differential axis of domination or to produce subjects who are presumed to be masculine. În such cases, ăn uncritical appeal to such a system for the emancipation of “women” will be clearly self-defeating. The question of “the subject” is crucial for politics, and for feminist politics în particular, because juridical subjects are invariably produced through certain exclusionary practices that do not “show” once the juridical structure of politics hâș been established. În other words, the political
Feminismul și subversiunea identității () [Corola-website/Science/295774_a_297103]
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emancipation of “women” will be clearly self-defeating. The question of “the subject” is crucial for politics, and for feminist politics în particular, because juridical subjects are invariably produced through certain exclusionary practices that do not “show” once the juridical structure of politics hâș been established. În other words, the political construction of the subject proceeds with certain legitimating and exclusionary aims, and these political operations are effectively concealed and naturalized by a political analysis that takes juridical structures aș their foundation
Feminismul și subversiunea identității () [Corola-website/Science/295774_a_297103]
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aims, and these political operations are effectively concealed and naturalized by a political analysis that takes juridical structures aș their foundation. Juridical power inevitably “produces” what it claims merely to represent; hence, politics must be concerned with this dual function of power: the juridical and the productive. În effect, the law produces and then conceals the notion of “a subject before the law”2 în order to invoke that discursive formation aș a naturalized foundational premise that subsequently legitimates that law
Feminismul și subversiunea identității () [Corola-website/Science/295774_a_297103]
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a naturalized foundational premise that subsequently legitimates that law’s own regulatory hegemony. It is not enough to inquire into how women might become more fully represented în language and politics. Feminist critique ought also to understand how the category of “women,” the subject of feminism, is produced and restrained by the very structures of power through which emancipation is sought. [...] Identity, Sex and the Metaphysics of Substance What can be meant by “identity,” then, and what grounds the presumption that
Feminismul și subversiunea identității () [Corola-website/Science/295774_a_297103]
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that subsequently legitimates that law’s own regulatory hegemony. It is not enough to inquire into how women might become more fully represented în language and politics. Feminist critique ought also to understand how the category of “women,” the subject of feminism, is produced and restrained by the very structures of power through which emancipation is sought. [...] Identity, Sex and the Metaphysics of Substance What can be meant by “identity,” then, and what grounds the presumption that identities are self-identical, persisting
Feminismul și subversiunea identității () [Corola-website/Science/295774_a_297103]
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persisting through time aș the same, unified and internally coherent? More importantly, how do these assumptions inform the discourses on “gender identity”? It would be wrong to think that the discussion of “identity” ought to proceed prior to a discussion of gender identity for the simple reason that “persons” only become intelligible through becoming gendered în conformity with recognizable standards of gender intelligibility. Sociological discussions have conventionally sought to understand the notion of the person în terms of an agency that
Feminismul și subversiunea identității () [Corola-website/Science/295774_a_297103]
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discussions have conventionally sought to understand the notion of the person în terms of an agency that claims ontological priority to the various roles and functions through which it assumes social visibility and meaning. Within philosophical discourse itself, the notion of “the person” hâș received analytic elaboration on the assumption that whatever social context the person is “în” remains somehow externally related to the definițional structure of personhood, be that consciousness, the capacity for language, or moral deliberation. Although that literature
Feminismul și subversiunea identității () [Corola-website/Science/295774_a_297103]
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through which it assumes social visibility and meaning. Within philosophical discourse itself, the notion of “the person” hâș received analytic elaboration on the assumption that whatever social context the person is “în” remains somehow externally related to the definițional structure of personhood, be that consciousness, the capacity for language, or moral deliberation. Although that literature is not examined here, one premise of such inquiries is the focus of critical exploration and inversion. Whereas the question of what constitutes “personal identity” within
Feminismul și subversiunea identității () [Corola-website/Science/295774_a_297103]
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or moral deliberation. Although that literature is not examined here, one premise of such inquiries is the focus of critical exploration and inversion. Whereas the question of what constitutes “personal identity” within philosophical accounts almost always centers on the question of what internal feature of the person establishes the continuity or self-identity of the person through time, the question here will be: To what extent do regulatory practices of gender formation and division constitute identity, the internal coherence of the subject
Feminismul și subversiunea identității () [Corola-website/Science/295774_a_297103]
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the person? To what extent is “identity” a normative ideal rather than a descriptive feature of experience? And how do the regulatory practices that govern gender also govern culturally intelligible notions of identity? În other words, the “coherence” and “continuity” of “the person” are not logical or analytic features of personhood, but, rather, socially instituted and maintained norms of intelligibility. Inasmuch aș “identity” is assured through the stabilizing concepts of sex, gender, and sexuality, the very notion of “the person” is
Feminismul și subversiunea identității () [Corola-website/Science/295774_a_297103]
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intelligible notions of identity? În other words, the “coherence” and “continuity” of “the person” are not logical or analytic features of personhood, but, rather, socially instituted and maintained norms of intelligibility. Inasmuch aș “identity” is assured through the stabilizing concepts of sex, gender, and sexuality, the very notion of “the person” is called into question by the cultural emergence of those “incoherent” or “discontinuous” gendered beings who appear to be persons but who fail to conform to the gendered norms of
Feminismul și subversiunea identității () [Corola-website/Science/295774_a_297103]
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of sex, gender, and sexuality, the very notion of “the person” is called into question by the cultural emergence of those “incoherent” or “discontinuous” gendered beings who appear to be persons but who fail to conform to the gendered norms of cultural intelligibility by which persons are defined. “Intelligible” genders are those which în some sense institute and maintain relations of coherence and continuity among sex, gender, sexual practice, and deșire. În other words, the spectres of discontinuity and incoherence, themselves
Feminismul și subversiunea identității () [Corola-website/Science/295774_a_297103]
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to the gendered norms of cultural intelligibility by which persons are defined. “Intelligible” genders are those which în some sense institute and maintain relations of coherence and continuity among sex, gender, sexual practice, and deșire. În other words, the spectres of discontinuity and incoherence, themselves thinkable only în relation to existing norms of continuity and coherence, are constantly prohibited and produced by the very laws that seek to establish causal or expressive lines of connection among biological sex, culturally constituted genders
Feminismul și subversiunea identității () [Corola-website/Science/295774_a_297103]
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sexual deșire through sexual practice. The notion that there might be a “truth” of sex, aș Foucault ironically terms it, is produced precisely through the regulatory practices that generate coherent identities through the matrix of coherent gender norms. The heterosexualization of deșire requires and institutes the production of discrete and asymmetrical oppositions between “feminine” and “masculine,” where these are understood aș expressive attributes of “male” and “female.” The cultural matrix through which gender identity hâș become intelligible requires that certain kinds
Feminismul și subversiunea identității () [Corola-website/Science/295774_a_297103]
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through the regulatory practices that generate coherent identities through the matrix of coherent gender norms. The heterosexualization of deșire requires and institutes the production of discrete and asymmetrical oppositions between “feminine” and “masculine,” where these are understood aș expressive attributes of “male” and “female.” The cultural matrix through which gender identity hâș become intelligible requires that certain kinds of “identities” cannot “exist”—that is, those în which gender does not follow from sex and those în which the practices of deșire
Feminismul și subversiunea identității () [Corola-website/Science/295774_a_297103]
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sex and those în which the practices of deșire do not “follow” from either sex or gender. “Follow” în this context is a political relation of entailment instituted by the cultural laws that establish and regulate the shape and meaning of sexuality. Indeed, precisely because certain kinds of “gender identities” fail to conform to those norms of cultural intelligibility, they appear only aș developmental failures or logical impossibilities from within that domain. Their persistence and proliferation, however, provide critical opportunities to
Feminismul și subversiunea identității () [Corola-website/Science/295774_a_297103]
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of deșire do not “follow” from either sex or gender. “Follow” în this context is a political relation of entailment instituted by the cultural laws that establish and regulate the shape and meaning of sexuality. Indeed, precisely because certain kinds of “gender identities” fail to conform to those norms of cultural intelligibility, they appear only aș developmental failures or logical impossibilities from within that domain. Their persistence and proliferation, however, provide critical opportunities to expose the limits and regulatory aims of
Feminismul și subversiunea identității () [Corola-website/Science/295774_a_297103]
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gender. “Follow” în this context is a political relation of entailment instituted by the cultural laws that establish and regulate the shape and meaning of sexuality. Indeed, precisely because certain kinds of “gender identities” fail to conform to those norms of cultural intelligibility, they appear only aș developmental failures or logical impossibilities from within that domain. Their persistence and proliferation, however, provide critical opportunities to expose the limits and regulatory aims of that domain of intelligibility and, hence, to open up
Feminismul și subversiunea identității () [Corola-website/Science/295774_a_297103]
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failures or logical impossibilities from within that domain. Their persistence and proliferation, however, provide critical opportunities to expose the limits and regulatory aims of that domain of intelligibility and, hence, to open up within the very terms of that matrix of intelligibility rival and subversive matrices of gender disorder. Before such disordering practices are considered, however, it seems crucial to understand the “matrix of intelligibility.” Is it singular? Of what is it composed? What is the peculiar alliance presumed to exist
Feminismul și subversiunea identității () [Corola-website/Science/295774_a_297103]
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of that domain of intelligibility and, hence, to open up within the very terms of that matrix of intelligibility rival and subversive matrices of gender disorder. Before such disordering practices are considered, however, it seems crucial to understand the “matrix of intelligibility.” Is it singular? Of what is it composed? What is the peculiar alliance presumed to exist between a system of compulsory heterosexuality and the discursive categories that establish the identity concepts of sex? If “identity” is an effect of
Feminismul și subversiunea identității () [Corola-website/Science/295774_a_297103]
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it seems crucial to understand the “matrix of intelligibility.” Is it singular? Of what is it composed? What is the peculiar alliance presumed to exist between a system of compulsory heterosexuality and the discursive categories that establish the identity concepts of sex? If “identity” is an effect of discursive practices, to what extent is gender identity, construed aș a relationship among sex, gender, sexual practice, and deșire, the effect of a regulatory practice that can be identified aș compulsory heterosexuality? Would
Feminismul și subversiunea identității () [Corola-website/Science/295774_a_297103]
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practice, and deșire, the effect of a regulatory practice that can be identified aș compulsory heterosexuality? Would that explanation return uș to yet another totalizing frame în which compulsory heterosexuality merely takes the place of phallogocentrism aș the monolithic căușe of gender oppression? [...] Within the terms of feminist sexual theory, it is clear that the presence of power dynamics within sexuality is în no sense the same aș the simple consolidation or augmentation of a heterosexist or phallogocentric power regime. The
Feminismul și subversiunea identității () [Corola-website/Science/295774_a_297103]
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place of phallogocentrism aș the monolithic căușe of gender oppression? [...] Within the terms of feminist sexual theory, it is clear that the presence of power dynamics within sexuality is în no sense the same aș the simple consolidation or augmentation of a heterosexist or phallogocentric power regime. The “presence” of so-called heterosexual conventions within homosexual contexts aș well aș the proliferation of specifically gay discourses of sexual difference, aș în the case of “butch” and “femme” aș historical identifies of sexual
Feminismul și subversiunea identității () [Corola-website/Science/295774_a_297103]
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dynamics within sexuality is în no sense the same aș the simple consolidation or augmentation of a heterosexist or phallogocentric power regime. The “presence” of so-called heterosexual conventions within homosexual contexts aș well aș the proliferation of specifically gay discourses of sexual difference, aș în the case of “butch” and “femme” aș historical identifies of sexual style, cannot be explained aș chimerical representations of originally heterosexual identities. And neither can they be understood aș the pernicious insistence of heterosexist constructs within
Feminismul și subversiunea identității () [Corola-website/Science/295774_a_297103]