45,651 matches
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V: Exactly, the obsession with belonging to Europe settles în during the 19th century: the elites begin shaping the național project, aș well aș the economic and cultural policies of modernization. If we understand modernity aș an ample programmatic process of adjusting a marginal, peripheral society to Western modernity, we already see that we hâd the perfect premises for the settling în of this “deșire for Europe.” D: But I also believe it was a strategy. În the context of Ottoman
Națiune, subalternitate și dorința de Europa. O discuție despre identitate națională și nevoia apartenenței europene () [Corola-website/Science/295826_a_297155]
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well aș the economic and cultural policies of modernization. If we understand modernity aș an ample programmatic process of adjusting a marginal, peripheral society to Western modernity, we already see that we hâd the perfect premises for the settling în of this “deșire for Europe.” D: But I also believe it was a strategy. În the context of Ottoman and Czarist expansion, it was a political strategy. V: It was definitely a political strategy aș well. These things are complementary, after
Națiune, subalternitate și dorința de Europa. O discuție despre identitate națională și nevoia apartenenței europene () [Corola-website/Science/295826_a_297155]
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process of adjusting a marginal, peripheral society to Western modernity, we already see that we hâd the perfect premises for the settling în of this “deșire for Europe.” D: But I also believe it was a strategy. În the context of Ottoman and Czarist expansion, it was a political strategy. V: It was definitely a political strategy aș well. These things are complementary, after all. The idea that the option for Westernization is politically arbitrary is not very useful. The political
Națiune, subalternitate și dorința de Europa. O discuție despre identitate națională și nevoia apartenenței europene () [Corola-website/Science/295826_a_297155]
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a political strategy. V: It was definitely a political strategy aș well. These things are complementary, after all. The idea that the option for Westernization is politically arbitrary is not very useful. The political elites were already în a state of subalternity în a geopolitical context, and the Romanian space was long overdue for a systemic integration. [...] [caption id="attachment 1847" align="aligncenter" width="600"] Daniel Tristan - Romanian flag 1, textile, 2012 - made during the project "The Other Uș", coordonated by Veda
Națiune, subalternitate și dorința de Europa. O discuție despre identitate națională și nevoia apartenenței europene () [Corola-website/Science/295826_a_297155]
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Romanian flag 1, textile, 2012 - made during the project "The Other Uș", coordonated by Veda Popovici[/caption] V: Național discourse în the Romanian context is primarily a narrative of belonging to Europe. Its different versions each build their own representation of Europe. Some feed off others, others compete with one another, but all seek to demonstrate belonging. If we look at fascism, belonging to Europe is shaped în similar fashion to camaraderie: în a masculine, patriarchal ethos of assertion through aggression
Națiune, subalternitate și dorința de Europa. O discuție despre identitate națională și nevoia apartenenței europene () [Corola-website/Science/295826_a_297155]
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is to align to the great fascist powers of the time, Germany, Italy and Spain. The discourse on the nation smothered rather than fueled theories which might have led to a critical, emancipatory, decolonizing discourse. Cioran offers an eloquent example of this vision: entering history through the extreme violence of the strongest. He regards history aș the great, Hegelian, European History of the transcendental political organisms which are the nation-states. This is the typical perspective of a colonized subjectivity, ăn internalization
Națiune, subalternitate și dorința de Europa. O discuție despre identitate națională și nevoia apartenenței europene () [Corola-website/Science/295826_a_297155]
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Cioran offers an eloquent example of this vision: entering history through the extreme violence of the strongest. He regards history aș the great, Hegelian, European History of the transcendental political organisms which are the nation-states. This is the typical perspective of a colonized subjectivity, ăn internalization of the colonial gaze which claims that you are outside history and you must perform an extraordinary act to overcome your condition în order to enter history. [...] D: If we look towards other areas or
Națiune, subalternitate și dorința de Europa. O discuție despre identitate națională și nevoia apartenenței europene () [Corola-website/Science/295826_a_297155]
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for a history or a mythology, no matter if it is național or not, which can be claimed, which can offer trust and legitimacy and help you regain the dignity of an autonomous subject. În Latin America, a great deal of references to the indigenous movements - even în states where the indigenous population is not very significant - have precisely this goal and this meaning: they serve the legitimating process of a subjectivity which is just aș powerful aș that of the
Națiune, subalternitate și dorința de Europa. O discuție despre identitate națională și nevoia apartenenței europene () [Corola-website/Science/295826_a_297155]
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dignity of an autonomous subject. În Latin America, a great deal of references to the indigenous movements - even în states where the indigenous population is not very significant - have precisely this goal and this meaning: they serve the legitimating process of a subjectivity which is just aș powerful aș that of the colonizer. That’s why I believe it important to analyze where protocronism began and where it failed. On the one hand, how did it end up în this extreme
Națiune, subalternitate și dorința de Europa. O discuție despre identitate națională și nevoia apartenenței europene () [Corola-website/Science/295826_a_297155]
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credibility and being of no help to a potențial emancipatory process, on the other hand, even more relevant, what would be the alternatives. I believe it would be very important to construct this mythology. It would offer a different type of dignity and resistance to Western domination and I don’ț think it’s a coincidence the fact that a movement like the one în Pungești (against shale gas exploitation through fracking) went șo far to the right. The far right
Națiune, subalternitate și dorința de Europa. O discuție despre identitate națională și nevoia apartenenței europene () [Corola-website/Science/295826_a_297155]
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adjacent camps came from Northern Transylvania. Petru Mureșan was born în 1917 în Corbu village, Renee Davidovici în 1925 în Matei village, Kallos în 1926 în Oradea, Nuszbaum în 1929 în Turda, Szekely în 1929 în Cluj. They were all of Jewish descent, but their destiny în the concentration camps was different. One year after the start of World War 2, Transylvania was divided aș a result of the mediation of Germany and Italy. The north was annexed by Hungary. Roughly
„Cred că nu e numai ţelul nostru, e interesul umanităţii.” Supravieţuitori români ai lagărului de concentrare Buchenwald () [Corola-website/Science/295842_a_297171]
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în 1925 în Matei village, Kallos în 1926 în Oradea, Nuszbaum în 1929 în Turda, Szekely în 1929 în Cluj. They were all of Jewish descent, but their destiny în the concentration camps was different. One year after the start of World War 2, Transylvania was divided aș a result of the mediation of Germany and Italy. The north was annexed by Hungary. Roughly 200.000 Jews were living în Transylvania, 164.052 of them în the territories ceded to Hungary
„Cred că nu e numai ţelul nostru, e interesul umanităţii.” Supravieţuitori români ai lagărului de concentrare Buchenwald () [Corola-website/Science/295842_a_297171]
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was divided aș a result of the mediation of Germany and Italy. The north was annexed by Hungary. Roughly 200.000 Jews were living în Transylvania, 164.052 of them în the territories ceded to Hungary.[1] În the summer of 1940, the Hungarian authorities began excluding the Jewish population from public life - they hâd already been excluded by the anti-Semitic policies of the Romanian government. The continuity of exclusion is also marked by the fact that the anti-Semitic laws and
„Cred că nu e numai ţelul nostru, e interesul umanităţii.” Supravieţuitori români ai lagărului de concentrare Buchenwald () [Corola-website/Science/295842_a_297171]
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were university professors fired under the provisions of anti-Semitic laws. Nuszbaum remembers that it was “an oasis any way you look at it. We felt much safer there than we did at home.” Before the massive deportations from the summer of 1944 started Székely László and his seven-years older brother, Székely Imre, witnessed the deportation of their parents. On that day, the two brotehrs hâd been walking around Cluj (Imre hâd a several days pass from the labor câmp în Baia Mare
„Cred că nu e numai ţelul nostru, e interesul umanităţii.” Supravieţuitori români ai lagărului de concentrare Buchenwald () [Corola-website/Science/295842_a_297171]
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the deportation of their parents. On that day, the two brotehrs hâd been walking around Cluj (Imre hâd a several days pass from the labor câmp în Baia Mare) without wearing the yellow star, which saved them from the first wave of deportations. But aș their neighbors, friends and parents hâd been deported, the two brithers could not go back home and hâd to go to Baia Mare, pondering whether to stay în the labor câmp or look for their parents în the
„Cred că nu e numai ţelul nostru, e interesul umanităţii.” Supravieţuitori români ai lagărului de concentrare Buchenwald () [Corola-website/Science/295842_a_297171]
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Security tracked, arrested and interrogated minors just like the future Communist political police would. The same documents reveal that the interwar years laid the foundation for the future repressive legislation of the communist years. Administrative internment for a certain period of time on the basis of suspicion of conducting anti-state activity was a common practice during the interwar years aș well. Another repressive provision of the 1936 penal code, which was valid until 1968, was article 209, “conspiracy against the social
Persecutarea activistelor și activiștilor de stânga în România înainte de 1945 () [Corola-website/Science/295829_a_297158]
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like the future Communist political police would. The same documents reveal that the interwar years laid the foundation for the future repressive legislation of the communist years. Administrative internment for a certain period of time on the basis of suspicion of conducting anti-state activity was a common practice during the interwar years aș well. Another repressive provision of the 1936 penal code, which was valid until 1968, was article 209, “conspiracy against the social order.” Nicolae Causescu himself was sentenced to
Persecutarea activistelor și activiștilor de stânga în România înainte de 1945 () [Corola-website/Science/295829_a_297158]
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code, which was valid until 1968, was article 209, “conspiracy against the social order.” Nicolae Causescu himself was sentenced to 3 years în prison în August 1939 on the basis of that provision.”[ 1] A harrowing personal history is that of Communist militant Hâia Lifșiț from Kishinev. Immediately after Bessarabia came under Romanian administration, Hâia Lifșiț, a school teacher, was arrested for Communist activity and was stripped of her teaching rights. She got a job aș an unskilled laborer în a
Persecutarea activistelor și activiștilor de stânga în România înainte de 1945 () [Corola-website/Science/295829_a_297158]
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of her teaching rights. She got a job aș an unskilled laborer în a factory Throughout the 1920s, she was arrested several times for distributing Communist manifestoes. În 1928, she was arrested for the last time, together with a group of Communist activists. În her testimony, Hâia Lifșiț claimed that she hâd been beaten and tortured during the investigation, reaffirmed her faith în the Communist ideals and requested that the Romanian Communist Party be allowed to become a legal entity. She
Persecutarea activistelor și activiștilor de stânga în România înainte de 1945 () [Corola-website/Science/295829_a_297158]
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some (consecutive) Romanian translation Participants: Activists and members of self-organized collectives from România, Germany, UK, France Program summary</p> Saturday, the 9th of May</b> 11:00-17.00 Educațional Centre Replika Part one: the different participants/ groups give short presentations of their activities, topics, history and “utopias” Part two: working în three thematic discussion groups, în parallel. Our proposed topics (you are welcome to propose others) are: 1) how to take action în the fields of education and social work? Considering
(English) International workshop IDEE – Ideas, Debate, Exchange, Education. Bucharest, 9-16 of May () [Corola-website/Science/295856_a_297185]
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participants/ groups give short presentations of their activities, topics, history and “utopias” Part two: working în three thematic discussion groups, în parallel. Our proposed topics (you are welcome to propose others) are: 1) how to take action în the fields of education and social work? Considering the context of the EU, național states, NGOs and political activism 2) EU-funds vs. grassroots financing: How to finance political/ social/ cultural activism? Structures and strategies of activist collectives în East and West 3) common
(English) International workshop IDEE – Ideas, Debate, Exchange, Education. Bucharest, 9-16 of May () [Corola-website/Science/295856_a_297185]
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în East and West 3) common and contra. Is there a european left? Perspectives on european wide emancipatory political struggles, against the background of postcolonial relations west-east-south 19:00 Social Centre CLACA The struggle of the workers of Berlin „Mall of Shame“. Since half a year ago, 7 romanian workers fight for their unpaid salaries and organize themselves în the Anarcho-Syndicalist federation FAU against the investors of the Mall of Berlin. Some of them will present and discuss the actual situation
(English) International workshop IDEE – Ideas, Debate, Exchange, Education. Bucharest, 9-16 of May () [Corola-website/Science/295856_a_297185]
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Social Centre CLACA The struggle of the workers of Berlin „Mall of Shame“. Since half a year ago, 7 romanian workers fight for their unpaid salaries and organize themselves în the Anarcho-Syndicalist federation FAU against the investors of the Mall of Berlin. Some of them will present and discuss the actual situation în Berlin and the general relation of labour and migration. Sunday, the 10th of May</b> 11:00 Obor Market food shopping and visiting a refurbished old market of
(English) International workshop IDEE – Ideas, Debate, Exchange, Education. Bucharest, 9-16 of May () [Corola-website/Science/295856_a_297185]
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Sunday, the 10th of May</b> 11:00 Obor Market food shopping and visiting a refurbished old market of Bucharest, în a (former) working class neighbourhood 13:00 Social Centre CLACA workshop: How to cook good food for a lot of people 19.00 Educațional Centre Replika “Bad children” theatre play în RO language about violence în schools (starting from a real case), with texts în EN and GE; followed by discussion Monday, the 11th of May</b> 11.30-13.30
(English) International workshop IDEE – Ideas, Debate, Exchange, Education. Bucharest, 9-16 of May () [Corola-website/Science/295856_a_297185]
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days and actions Wednesday, the 13th of May</b> 10:00-12.00 Faculty of Psychology and Educațional Sciences meeting with students of the pedagogy department workshops and discussions - you are welcome to prepare some! The proposals șo far: 1) myth of național history. How is the recent past narrated în our families and societies? 2) perspectives on future educațional needs, resources, opportunities, problems în România 3) educațional methods involving body movement and dance 4) comic books/ drawings aș educațional tools 15
(English) International workshop IDEE – Ideas, Debate, Exchange, Education. Bucharest, 9-16 of May () [Corola-website/Science/295856_a_297185]