45,651 matches
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în S. Piattoni, op. cît., pp. 193-212. 7 J. Hopkin, A. Mastropaolo, "From Patronage to Clientelism: Comparing the Italian and Spanish Experience", în S. Piattoni, op. cît., pp. 152-171. 8 S. Eisenstadt, L. Roniger, " Patron- Client Relations aș a Model of Structuring Social Exchanges", Comparative Studies în Society and History, Vol. 22, No. 1, p. 46. 9 S. Piattoni, op. cît., pp. 193-212. 10 J. D. Powel, "Peasant Society and Clientelist Politics", în Steffen W. Schmidt, James C. Scott, Carl Lande
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and the Former Soviet Union", Journal of Internațional Development, No. 15, 2003, pp. 427-440. 15 În cazul României, conform Institutului Național de Statistică, mai mult de o treime din populația activă a țarii lucrează în agricultură. 16 Herbert Kitschelt, "Formation of Party Cleavages în Post-Communist Democracies: Theoretical Propositions", Party Politics, No. 1, 1995, p. 449. 17 Ibid., p. 449. 18 Joel D. Barkan, "Elections în Developing Countries", în Richard Roșe (ed.), Internațional Encyclopaedia of Elections, CQ Press, Washington D.C., 2001, p.
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Nouă, Stănești, Căianu Mic, Andrășești, Bulbucata, Băneasa, Colibași, Rădoiești, Comana, Hotarele, Clejani și Prundu. 27 Pentru mai multe detalii privind indicele dezvoltării sociale a localităților, vezi Dumitru Sandu, "Social Disparities în the Regional Development and Policies of România", Internațional Review of Social Research, no. 1, 2011, pp. 1-30. 28 Ordonarea localităților pe axa Ox: Clejani, Prundu, Gostinu, Putineiu, Rădoiești, Contești, Singureni, Dracea, Stoenești, Stănești, Letca Nouă, Găujani, Căianu Mic, Marșa, Găiseni, Ștorobăneasa, Bulbucata, Băneasa, Băbăița, Stejaru, Călmățuiu, Crevedia Mare, Bragadiru, Poroschia
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mecanică, Teza de doctorat, Facultatea de Științe Politice, Universitatea din București, 2011. Comșa, Mircea, Gheorghiță, Andrei, Tufiș, Claudiu D. (coord.), Alegerile prezidențiale din România, 2009, Presa Universitară Clujeana, Cluj-Napoca, 2012. Eisenstadt, S., Roniger, L., "Patron- Client Relations aș a Model of Structuring Social Exchanges", în Comparative Studies în Society and History, vol. 22, nr. 1, pp. 42-77. Giugăl, Aurelian, Johnston, Ron, Constantinescu, Ștefan, "Democratic Musical Chairs? Romania's Post-1989 Electoral Geography", în Space and Polity, No. 2, 2011, pp. 143-161. Giugăl
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S. (ed.), Clientelism, Interests, and Democratic Representation. The European Experience în Historical and Comparative Perspective, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2001, pp. 152-171. Iațu, Corneliu (coord.), Atlasul electoral al României: 1990-2009, Editura Universității "Alexandru Ioan Cuza", Iași, 2014. Kitschelt, Herbert, "Formation of Party Cleavages în Post-Communist Democracies: Theoretical Propositions", în Party Politics, nr. 1, 1995, pp. 447-472. Olteanu, Daniel, Vot și intenție de vot. Rețele clientelare de control al votului. Teleorman 1996 - 2009, Teza de doctorat, Facultatea de Științe Politice, Universitatea din
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A Reader în Political Clientelism. University of California Press, Los Angeles, 1977, pp. 147-161. Rotariu, Traian Comșa, Mircea (coord.), Alegerile generale din 2004, Eikon, Cluj-Napoca, 2005. Sandu, Dumitru, "Social Disparities în the Regional Development and Policies of România", Internațional Review of Social Research, No. 1, 2011, pp. 1-30. Wedel, R. J., "Clans, Cliques and Captured States: Rethinking "Transitions" în Central and Eastern Europe and the Former Soviet Union", în Journal of Internațional Development, nr. 15, 2003, pp. 427-440. ANEXĂ Tabelul 1
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7) PNL›PSD: Bălești, Bordești, Broșteni, Mărășești, Mera, Reghiu; PDL›PSD: Gură Călitei. Sursa: Expert Forum (disponibil online: http://expertforum.ro/primari-migratori/). Identitatea religioasă și alegerile prezidențiale din 1996, 2004 și 2014 din România [Religious identity and the presidential elections of 1996, 2004 and 2014 în România] Andrei ALEXANDRESCU Abstract: The current study assesses the role played by the references to the național and Orthodox identity în Romanian presidential election campaigns of 1996, 2004 and 2014. The working hypothesis, validated during
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societății. În acest context, poate fi vorba de începutul unui ciclu în care politicienii să se recredibilizeze pe fondul instituirii unor noi teme publice, cum ar fi deconstrucția sau falsificarea democrației. Note 1 McCombs, M, Shaw, D, "The agenda-setting function of mass media", în Public Opinion Quarterly, 36 (2), 1972. 2 N. Luhmann, Theory of Society, Stanford, Stanford University Press, 1997. 3 W. Lippmann, Public opinion, New York, Harcourt, 1922. 4 http://www.dcnews.ro/ofi-er-acope riț-2014-scandalul-care-a-zguduit-scena-politica-i-lumea-mass-media 463504.html (accesat la 01.08
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European, Iași, 2002. Lilleker, D., Key concepts în political communication, Sage Publications Ltd, Londra, 2006. Lippmann, W., Public opinion, New York, Harcourt, 1922. Luhmann N., Theory of Society, Stanford, Stanford University Press, 1997. McCombs, M, Shaw, D, "The agenda- setting function of mass media", Public Opinion Quarterly 36 (2), 1972. Tănase, Ț., Comunicarea politică prin social media și reacțiile publicului online, Editura Universitară, București, 2014. Resurse electronice: http://www.dcnews.ro/ofi-er-acoperit-2014-scandalul-care-a-zguduit-scena-politica-i-lumea-mass-media 463 504.html (accesat la 01.08.2015). http://www.mediafax
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ro/sondaj-cata-incredere-au-romanii-in-binomul-sri-dna-si-in-presedintie/ (accesat la 01.08. 2015). Alegerile prezidențiale din noiembrie 2014 și reinventarea conștiinței civice [November 2014 presidential elections and the reinventing of civic conscience] Cosmin DIMA Abstract: The article identifies the main factors that led to the victory of Klaus Iohannis, the Christian - Liberal Alliance PNL (Național Liberal Party) - PD-L (Liberal Democratic Party) candidate, în front of Victor Ponta, PSD (Social Democratic Party) - UNPR (Național Union for the Progress of România) - PC (Conservative Party) Alliance candidate. It also
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elections and the reinventing of civic conscience] Cosmin DIMA Abstract: The article identifies the main factors that led to the victory of Klaus Iohannis, the Christian - Liberal Alliance PNL (Național Liberal Party) - PD-L (Liberal Democratic Party) candidate, în front of Victor Ponta, PSD (Social Democratic Party) - UNPR (Național Union for the Progress of România) - PC (Conservative Party) Alliance candidate. It also analyzes diaspora protests episode and its electoral implications, a phenomenon that seems to strengthen the hypothesis of reinventing civic
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2.jsp?id=241 http://www.qmagazine.ro/dna-in-campanie-electorala 258902.html http://www.roaep.ro/bec europ 2014/?page id=2000 http://www.romanialibera.ro/politică/politica-alegeri-prezidentiale/ponta--vreau-sa-le-multumesc-romanilor-care-au-venit-la-vot--poporul-are-intotdeauna-dreptate--l-am-sunat-pe-dl-iohannis--l-am-felicitat-pentru-rezultat-357709 http://www.mediafax.ro/social/csm-s-a-sesizat-in-cazul-declaratiilor-lui-ponta-despre-dosarul-lukoil-13369832 Some Citizens Are Ill Informed and Lack Basic Knowledge of Politics. Should We Limit Their Right to Vote? Maria CERNAT Abstract: This article tries to examine some of the antidemocratic messages that appeared în social media during the Romanian presidential campaign of 2014. My hypothesis is that the idea of
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Citizens Are Ill Informed and Lack Basic Knowledge of Politics. Should We Limit Their Right to Vote? Maria CERNAT Abstract: This article tries to examine some of the antidemocratic messages that appeared în social media during the Romanian presidential campaign of 2014. My hypothesis is that the idea of limiting the right to vote gained the sympathy of the middle class - highly trained and remunerated individuals aș a result of those messages disseminated during the 2014 presidential campaign. Namely, for the
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messages that appeared în social media during the Romanian presidential campaign of 2014. My hypothesis is that the idea of limiting the right to vote gained the sympathy of the middle class - highly trained and remunerated individuals aș a result of those messages disseminated during the 2014 presidential campaign. Namely, for the first time the electoral messages did not targeted only a political candidate but also his voters who were supposedly old, poor, ill-informed, dependent of social aid and prone to
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remunerated individuals aș a result of those messages disseminated during the 2014 presidential campaign. Namely, for the first time the electoral messages did not targeted only a political candidate but also his voters who were supposedly old, poor, ill-informed, dependent of social aid and prone to sacrifice their political power for material benefits. În the first part of my article I shall focus on the way the new media are shaping the political competition trying to find ouț whether these media
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beyond their actual reach. Social media are no exception to this rule. Aș professor Tim Wu1 is showing, every time a new communication technology was invented its appearance generated waves of enthusiasm. The case of the mass-media is especially representative of this type of reaction. Once the telegraph, the radio or the television were made available to the public these technologies were invested with the power of literally changing the world for the better. But the history of the media proved
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documents it with historical dată that proves that every time a new information technology was made possible by the discovery of some genius the waves of enthusiasm were quickly followed by disappointment. The technological discovery is welcomed aș a source of social progress but the hopes are almost always betrayed since the state institutions use it for political propagandă and the private corporations for gaining significant profits. The well-being of the public is almost never on the agenda of the important
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meta-analysis of the Internet and its effects on political engagement. She identified 166 possible effects of the use of the Internet and analysed 38 scholarly surveys of those effects. Her results did not validate or invalidate her hypothesis. The conclusion of this research is that the Internet hâș positive effects on political engagement but those effects are not significantly greater than the negative ones: "În sum, this meta-analysis suggests that the effects of the Internet use on engagement are positive, but
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not establish that these effects are substanțial"2. Although there are scholars who tend to believe that "we are entering another important turning point not just în communication technologies, but în social structure and identity formation that affects the behaviours of audiences"3 I consider that the Internet hâș little or no effect în generating the long praised public sphere fostering critical debate on political issues. Aș I tried to show elsewhere, technology cannot lead to social progress by itself 4
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reality. I shall examine those claims one by one în order to see the mechanisms that work against them. One of the most important theories about the way public opinion functions was elaborated by Noelle Newmann 5. Her famous "spiral of silence" refers to the fact that media limit the freedom of expression instead of expanding it. From the beginning of the last century the media was supposed to function aș a public arena where different points of view could be
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Her famous "spiral of silence" refers to the fact that media limit the freedom of expression instead of expanding it. From the beginning of the last century the media was supposed to function aș a public arena where different points of view could be expressed and debated. But, aș Newmann is proving there is a huge difference between public opinion and published opinion. The published opinion is perceived by the public aș the legitimate and the general opinion. The ideal model
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is proving there is a huge difference between public opinion and published opinion. The published opinion is perceived by the public aș the legitimate and the general opinion. The ideal model of the public sphere where citizens express their points of view ignores în Newmann's opinion one basic characteristic of the public's predispositions: the tendency to conform to what we feel is the accepted opinion of the majority. Fear of exclusion makes people refrain from expressing their opinion if
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they feel their point of view is contradictory with the socially accepted one. The public's deep conviction is that the press expresses the "socially accepted" opinion of the majority. This is why we could end up with unexpected results of elections. People keep their opinions to themselves fearing the danger of social exclusion and creating a "spiral of silence". They vote for a radical candidate they did not have the courage to say they approve. The example of Vadim Tudor
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is that the press expresses the "socially accepted" opinion of the majority. This is why we could end up with unexpected results of elections. People keep their opinions to themselves fearing the danger of social exclusion and creating a "spiral of silence". They vote for a radical candidate they did not have the courage to say they approve. The example of Vadim Tudor winning an unexpected 30% of the votes în 2000 is a classic example of the way the spiral
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unexpected results of elections. People keep their opinions to themselves fearing the danger of social exclusion and creating a "spiral of silence". They vote for a radical candidate they did not have the courage to say they approve. The example of Vadim Tudor winning an unexpected 30% of the votes în 2000 is a classic example of the way the spiral of silence is functioning. Fear and deșire to conform are two powerful elements that were neglected by those who believed
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