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involved în policy decisions); - and mutual trust between citizens and institutions and collaboration within the community. These conditions are necessary, în addition to the economic development of a community. A democratic system is supported not only by a strengthening economy, but above all by an increased civic participation. For România, the accession to European and Euro-Atlantic institutions based on democratic values is not a sufficient condition for strengthening its civic culture - it is a prerequisite, such aș another useful condition related
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an increased civic participation. For România, the accession to European and Euro-Atlantic institutions based on democratic values is not a sufficient condition for strengthening its civic culture - it is a prerequisite, such aș another useful condition related to economic development. But for a naturalization of democratic values an increased civic participation is required. În sociological research coordinated by the Infopoliticteam (2011-2013), we defined four different types of participation în public life, according to two criteria - on the one hand, the distinction
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prone to involvement în the community, is caring and helps relatives or neighbors, often discussed local projects with friends, is willing to get involved în local activities. - Electoral participation - it is easy to understand (it refers not only to turnout, but also to participation în elections by running for office or involvement în the campaign). A person with a high degree of electoral participation hâș confidence în the electoral process, is knowledgeable about candidates and programs, knows the rules of the
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the figures are incredibly high - above 90% în terms of lack of trust în other people). From compatriots - known or not - to democratic institutions. Of course, there are institutions that people trust - like the Orthodox Church and the Romanian Army - but their place hâș come rather based on tradition and are not necessarily characterized aș democratic institutions. În the previous communist era, the individual took refuge în the family în order to withstand economically, especially from an alimentary point of view
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forms of community (state or non-state). Associativity hâș long remained low and the State hâș failed to play a role that society sees aș important (în the communism era, the prevalent role of the State was accepted due totalitarian mechanisms, but this acceptance was only partly internalized). After 1989, alongside the transformation crisis the State went through and after the exposure of Romanians to Western ideologies (marked by liberal values), the alternative to the family became the "individual", even în an
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The move was from a one party system to political pluralism, from a centralized economy to a market economy, from the unidirecțional propagandă to open multichannel communication. The consequences of these changes are numerous and will not be developed here, but at the level of participation and interest în association the developments are very slow. Aș noted above, the național scores of community participation, civic participation or political participation are somewhat equal, between 30% and 35%, with one exception, namely the
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and better knows electoral bids than ideological offers and positions. Simply puț, the Romanian citizen who is more interested în who reaches an office than what he later does în that position! The citizen takes part în the voting process, but not în politics. And, besides these moments of effective participation, the interaction with social life is done by "simulating participation", achieved through media channels (especially TV for 20 years and the internet during the last 5 years). Moreover, there is
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means to influence decisions taken at național level - during the last 25 years the vote hâș carried a multitude of meanings, șo no matter how disappointed the Romanian population is în the democratic process, it does not abandon this ritual. But this is not by chance ... obsessed by image and consumed by a constant electoral struggle, parties and their leaders have aggressively instilled the need of rallying to the vote. The failure of the trade union movement, the apparent isolation of
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the meantime society and its actors have enough time and space required to develop concepts and complex theories encompassing the more subtle forms of reality - and then to achieve the consensus required for decisions through which the solutions are implemented. But if the election campaign never stops, then everything that comes from the political class is inevitably lacking depth! We have talks, but no action - precisely because public discourse is better suited to a society where the only thing that works
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forms of reality - and then to achieve the consensus required for decisions through which the solutions are implemented. But if the election campaign never stops, then everything that comes from the political class is inevitably lacking depth! We have talks, but no action - precisely because public discourse is better suited to a society where the only thing that works is electoral participation. Action should work în a society with functioning mechanisms that generate solutions and the consensus needed to implement these
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to defeat him/her along with his/her supporters. This perpetual battle generates social tension that inevitably will be discharged at the voting booth. The election campaign does not reflect a continuation of discussions and of modernization and development projects, but marks a endless repetition of the same themes and the same stereotypes that plague communication. Therefore, every time there are election we see that the teams who govern are generally not assessed for what they have specifically done during their
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how you live now)... The examples could go on. We should recall that prizes have been repeatedly awarded to those who have voted, by accepting people on the basis of their stamped voting bulletin at parties, concerts and raffles. Also, but this time outside the law, there have been different types of "prizes" awarded that have created certain electoral practices characterized by vote buying either with money or with certain types of products. În România there hâș been almost an obsession
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of convincing people who have never voted and generally stay away from the booths to take part în the process. Many electoral strategies have been based on percentages plucked from non-participants, aș a miraculous solution for overthrowing election predictions. Last but not least, the party propagandă hâș tried to downplay the importance of unfavorable polls, always referring the mass of citizens who did not express their choices and whom, if they were to vote, would alter the existing balance. However, this
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have been considered the centerpiece of the new democratic process on whose behalf Romanians died în 1989 - and also for the above mentioned freedom of expression. All components of the public space have sent messages about the importance of voting. But unfortunately for the current situation, they stopped there, în the sense that there was very limited communication regarding the need to also follow the consequences of the vote. Very little was invested to educate citizens about how to exercise their
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lower level of electoral participation, down at the real level of civic participation în România - leading to a further discrediting of democratic political institutions. Today we find that the citizen is involved în electoral processes that generate the political phenomenon, but does not understand the rules and does not foresee any utility for his personal agenda. The Romanian citizen chose democracy 25 years ago în response to communism and, for the sake of democracy, he/her chose to participate în the
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not want a return of communism, vote for uș! This hâș been the ideology used successfully by the Democratic Convention în the 90s against the Iliescu regime (much more easily perceived aș a continuation of communism due to its origins). But we must not forget that both Traian Băsescu în 2009 and Klaus Johannis în 2014 used the same communicational construct în their campaigns. Being born from denial and ultimately becoming the faceless antithesis of a hateful regime, democracy hâș become
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modernization becomes only an element of discourse. And those most able to sustain this discourse are those who dictate în society. "Modernity is not lived aș a culture of experience, founded on the dynamics of economy and on social foresight, but aș a culture of discourse în which the present is based on historical values and is subjected to irradiation from the European democratic model". Modernization is a form of conversion of the prerogatives of power, exercised through political discourse. Politics
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historical values and is subjected to irradiation from the European democratic model". Modernization is a form of conversion of the prerogatives of power, exercised through political discourse. Politics therefore does not reflect decision making space about a vision of development, but a place where, through discourse, Romanians discover their modernity based on what they know (the past, for example). Modernity în interwar România was not debated în order to be adapted to reality, but was disputed by those who claimed power
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making space about a vision of development, but a place where, through discourse, Romanians discover their modernity based on what they know (the past, for example). Modernity în interwar România was not debated în order to be adapted to reality, but was disputed by those who claimed power or legitimacy either from the Western model (that hat to be applied automatically, without adjustments) or from tradiționalist, historical, național, or modern roots (which led to the creation of the Romanian naționalist discourse
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dialogue or consensus regarding a vision of modernization and a strengthening of institutions and social values. Does this sound familiar? Does it resemble post-89 România? Of course, aș long aș the mechanisms are the same - we have discourse (sometimes excessively), but speech is not transformed into action. Conclusions Over time, trust în political parties hâș steadily declined, at about the same pace aș confidence în Parliament. Aș expected, the fundamental institution of democracy hâș paid the price of the citizen misunderstanding
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and politicians. It remains to be seen în 2016, during the next elections, to what extent the electoral participation score remains constant, taking into account the circumstances în which, predictably, party members will engage much less în the actual campaign, but also în boosting the presence of citizens at the voting booths. Meanwhile, we are left with the reality that, of the many teachings that the new political leadership of Romanian hâș to disseminate to a population that hâș a background
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intellectuals în works such aș "The New Romanian capitalism", Polirom, Iași, 2006. Similar problems are also highlighted by Easter, Miroiu, Codită în "România -Starea de fapt", Volume 1, Nemira Bucharest, 1997. Dragoș Sdrobis talks about the same crisis of "meritocracy", but în the period between WW1 and WW2, în "Meritocracy limits în an agrarian society", Polirom, Iași, 2015. 7 Daniel Barbu, Byzantium against Byzantium. Exploring the Romanian political culture, Bucharest, Nemira, 2001 (p. 264). Bibliography ALMOND, Gabriel, VERBA, Sidney, The Civic
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the British or the American) may be taken into consideration hâș been already suggested by several historians' research. However, our hypothesis is that the Anglo-Saxon model can be emphasized not only în the "archives" of immediate economic or diplomatic interests, but aș a cultural "mediator" between the French culture's "modelling influence" and the German culture's "catalytic influence" (according to Lucian Blaga's theories). The relationship between the beginning of the Romanian political civilization (the stage of political literacy) and
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and interpreting Dostoevsky's works hâș been heterogeneously: decades of being almost forbidden have alternated with moments when his novels have been widely published and promoted. However, particularly în the first two-three decades after the instauration of the communist regime, but later aș well, we can notice a predominant paradigm of referring to and interpreting Dostoevsky's writings by the literary exegetes. Using the content analysis and the comparative analysis, the paper identifies the main constitutive elements of the critical Marxist
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hailed by the Western critics aș one of the greatest writers of all times, his work could not be ignored anymore, both în the Soviet Union and România. Consequently, after an inițial period of silence, Dostoevsky's writings were reconsidered, but only from a Marxist-Leninist perspective. În România, during the first two decades after the instauration of the communist regime, there were published only few of his novels, and the critical texts which accompanied the novels were crowded with ideological references
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