43,092 matches
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Timișoara. He is the author of several scientific articles published în Romanian political science journals. He also published the book Geneză leninismului romantic. O perspectivă teoretică asupra orientării internaționale a comunismului românesc, 1948-1989 (Editură Institutul European, Iași, 2013). His areas of interest are theory of internațional relations, political ideologies, political history and theories of totalitarianism. Mădălina Virginia ANTONESCUholds a Ph. D. în European Law, at Bucharest University, Department of Law (2009) and she is scientific researcher. At present, she is counselor
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a Ph. D. în European Law, at Bucharest University, Department of Law (2009) and she is scientific researcher. At present, she is counselor at Romanian Diplomatic Institute and honorary researcher at Romanian Institute for Human Rights. She holds a diplomă of Paris I Pantheon Sorbonne University (1998) and she hâș also, master în "Internațional relations and European integration" ( 2001-2003), at the Național School for Political and Administrative Studies, Bucharest. Nicolae DRĂGUȘIN holds aPhD în Philosophy and is Lecturer at the Faculty
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the Department of Political Science from the Faculty of Political Science, Philosophy and Communication Sciences, Western University Timișoara. He is the author of the book Cosmopolitismul. Către o nouă paradigmă în teoria politică (Editură Adenium, Iași, 2014) and his areas of interest are political anthropology, institutions of the European Union. Bun de tipar: 2016 • Apărut: 2016 • Format 16 × 24 cm Iași, str. Grigore Ghica Vodă nr. 13 • cod 707469 Țel. Difuzare: 0788.359716 • Fax: 0232/230197 euroedit@hotmail.com • http://www
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exercitat de serviciile secrete din România asupra politicii și presei metatemă a alegerilor prezidențiale din 2014 Luminița KOHALMI 81 Alegerile prezidențiale din noiembrie 2014 și reinventarea conștiinței civice Cosmin DIMA 95 Some Citizens are Ill Informed and Lack Basic Knowledge of Politics. Should We Limit Their Right to Vote? Maria CERNAT 115 Cadrajele mediatice și dezbaterea prezidențială. Studiu de caz Monica PĂTRUȚ 131 Factorul basarabean în alegerile prezidențiale din România Aurelia Peru BĂLAN 149 "Constituționalizarea" programului politic al Președintelui și personalizarea
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factor a permis dezvoltare unei noi conștiințe civice ce reacționează la "... modul în care este percepută politică și la acțiunile acesteia." A șasea cotribuție aparține autoarei Maria Cernat și este intitulată: "Some Citizens are Ill Informed and Lack Basic Knowledge of Politics. Should We Limit Their Right to Vote?" Demersul acesteia este alcătuit din trei teme. În primă, autorea și-a propus demonstrare ipotezei conform căreia, a existat pe parcursul campaniei prezidențiale din 2014 persoane care, prin intermediul mijloacelor de informare online au
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ro/Gratuit/gqydimrsgq/ordonanta-de-urgenta-nr-55-2014-pentru-reglementarea-unor-masuri-privind-administratia-publica-locala (accesat 22.08.2015). http://www.b1.ro/știri/politică/elena-udrea-am-crezut-ca-se-poate-face-justitie-cu-implicarea-serviciilor-si-am-gresit-121513.html (accesat 22. 08.2015). ALEGERILE PREZIDENȚIALE DIN 2014 Drumul politic pentru nominalizarea lui Klaus Iohannis la Președinție [The Political road to presidential candidacy nomination of Klaus Iohannis] Florin GRECU Abstract: The article analyses the process which led to the nominalization of Klaus Iohannis aș candidate în the presidential election campaign representing the Christian Liberal Alliance. The adhesion of the Național Liberal Party to the European
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The adhesion of the Național Liberal Party to the European popular party, the retreat of PNL's president Crin Antonescu from the presidential race and the ascent of the mayor of Sibiu on the political stage, represent the analytical aim of this study, trough statements and media articles. The causes and the stakes of the change of the political affiliation of the Liberal Național Party and the reasons of the adhesion to PPE which led locally to the fusion with the
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efectele ei electorale: alegerile din România (2014)1 [he Effects of Mayors Switching Parties on the 2014 Romanian Elections] Aurelian GIUGĂL Abstract: În 2014, between the two electoral ballots, the European Parliamentary elections and presidential elections respectively, aș a consequence of an Emergency Government Ordinance, the mayors were able to move from one party to another without losing their mayor position, aș it was ruled în the electoral law. Thereby, almost 20 per cent from the total number of the mayors
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în S. Piattoni, op. cît., pp. 193-212. 7 J. Hopkin, A. Mastropaolo, "From Patronage to Clientelism: Comparing the Italian and Spanish Experience", în S. Piattoni, op. cît., pp. 152-171. 8 S. Eisenstadt, L. Roniger, " Patron- Client Relations aș a Model of Structuring Social Exchanges", Comparative Studies în Society and History, Vol. 22, No. 1, p. 46. 9 S. Piattoni, op. cît., pp. 193-212. 10 J. D. Powel, "Peasant Society and Clientelist Politics", în Steffen W. Schmidt, James C. Scott, Carl Lande
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and the Former Soviet Union", Journal of Internațional Development, No. 15, 2003, pp. 427-440. 15 În cazul României, conform Institutului Național de Statistică, mai mult de o treime din populația activă a țarii lucrează în agricultură. 16 Herbert Kitschelt, "Formation of Party Cleavages în Post-Communist Democracies: Theoretical Propositions", Party Politics, No. 1, 1995, p. 449. 17 Ibid., p. 449. 18 Joel D. Barkan, "Elections în Developing Countries", în Richard Roșe (ed.), Internațional Encyclopaedia of Elections, CQ Press, Washington D.C., 2001, p.
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Nouă, Stănești, Căianu Mic, Andrășești, Bulbucata, Băneasa, Colibași, Rădoiești, Comana, Hotarele, Clejani și Prundu. 27 Pentru mai multe detalii privind indicele dezvoltării sociale a localităților, vezi Dumitru Sandu, "Social Disparities în the Regional Development and Policies of România", Internațional Review of Social Research, no. 1, 2011, pp. 1-30. 28 Ordonarea localităților pe axa Ox: Clejani, Prundu, Gostinu, Putineiu, Rădoiești, Contești, Singureni, Dracea, Stoenești, Stănești, Letca Nouă, Găujani, Căianu Mic, Marșa, Găiseni, Ștorobăneasa, Bulbucata, Băneasa, Băbăița, Stejaru, Călmățuiu, Crevedia Mare, Bragadiru, Poroschia
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mecanică, Teza de doctorat, Facultatea de Științe Politice, Universitatea din București, 2011. Comșa, Mircea, Gheorghiță, Andrei, Tufiș, Claudiu D. (coord.), Alegerile prezidențiale din România, 2009, Presa Universitară Clujeana, Cluj-Napoca, 2012. Eisenstadt, S., Roniger, L., "Patron- Client Relations aș a Model of Structuring Social Exchanges", în Comparative Studies în Society and History, vol. 22, nr. 1, pp. 42-77. Giugăl, Aurelian, Johnston, Ron, Constantinescu, Ștefan, "Democratic Musical Chairs? Romania's Post-1989 Electoral Geography", în Space and Polity, No. 2, 2011, pp. 143-161. Giugăl
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S. (ed.), Clientelism, Interests, and Democratic Representation. The European Experience în Historical and Comparative Perspective, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2001, pp. 152-171. Iațu, Corneliu (coord.), Atlasul electoral al României: 1990-2009, Editura Universității "Alexandru Ioan Cuza", Iași, 2014. Kitschelt, Herbert, "Formation of Party Cleavages în Post-Communist Democracies: Theoretical Propositions", în Party Politics, nr. 1, 1995, pp. 447-472. Olteanu, Daniel, Vot și intenție de vot. Rețele clientelare de control al votului. Teleorman 1996 - 2009, Teza de doctorat, Facultatea de Științe Politice, Universitatea din
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A Reader în Political Clientelism. University of California Press, Los Angeles, 1977, pp. 147-161. Rotariu, Traian Comșa, Mircea (coord.), Alegerile generale din 2004, Eikon, Cluj-Napoca, 2005. Sandu, Dumitru, "Social Disparities în the Regional Development and Policies of România", Internațional Review of Social Research, No. 1, 2011, pp. 1-30. Wedel, R. J., "Clans, Cliques and Captured States: Rethinking "Transitions" în Central and Eastern Europe and the Former Soviet Union", în Journal of Internațional Development, nr. 15, 2003, pp. 427-440. ANEXĂ Tabelul 1
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7) PNL›PSD: Bălești, Bordești, Broșteni, Mărășești, Mera, Reghiu; PDL›PSD: Gură Călitei. Sursa: Expert Forum (disponibil online: http://expertforum.ro/primari-migratori/). Identitatea religioasă și alegerile prezidențiale din 1996, 2004 și 2014 din România [Religious identity and the presidential elections of 1996, 2004 and 2014 în România] Andrei ALEXANDRESCU Abstract: The current study assesses the role played by the references to the național and Orthodox identity în Romanian presidential election campaigns of 1996, 2004 and 2014. The working hypothesis, validated during
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societății. În acest context, poate fi vorba de începutul unui ciclu în care politicienii să se recredibilizeze pe fondul instituirii unor noi teme publice, cum ar fi deconstrucția sau falsificarea democrației. Note 1 McCombs, M, Shaw, D, "The agenda-setting function of mass media", în Public Opinion Quarterly, 36 (2), 1972. 2 N. Luhmann, Theory of Society, Stanford, Stanford University Press, 1997. 3 W. Lippmann, Public opinion, New York, Harcourt, 1922. 4 http://www.dcnews.ro/ofi-er-acope riț-2014-scandalul-care-a-zguduit-scena-politica-i-lumea-mass-media 463504.html (accesat la 01.08
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European, Iași, 2002. Lilleker, D., Key concepts în political communication, Sage Publications Ltd, Londra, 2006. Lippmann, W., Public opinion, New York, Harcourt, 1922. Luhmann N., Theory of Society, Stanford, Stanford University Press, 1997. McCombs, M, Shaw, D, "The agenda- setting function of mass media", Public Opinion Quarterly 36 (2), 1972. Tănase, Ț., Comunicarea politică prin social media și reacțiile publicului online, Editura Universitară, București, 2014. Resurse electronice: http://www.dcnews.ro/ofi-er-acoperit-2014-scandalul-care-a-zguduit-scena-politica-i-lumea-mass-media 463 504.html (accesat la 01.08.2015). http://www.mediafax
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ro/sondaj-cata-incredere-au-romanii-in-binomul-sri-dna-si-in-presedintie/ (accesat la 01.08. 2015). Alegerile prezidențiale din noiembrie 2014 și reinventarea conștiinței civice [November 2014 presidential elections and the reinventing of civic conscience] Cosmin DIMA Abstract: The article identifies the main factors that led to the victory of Klaus Iohannis, the Christian - Liberal Alliance PNL (Național Liberal Party) - PD-L (Liberal Democratic Party) candidate, în front of Victor Ponta, PSD (Social Democratic Party) - UNPR (Național Union for the Progress of România) - PC (Conservative Party) Alliance candidate. It also
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elections and the reinventing of civic conscience] Cosmin DIMA Abstract: The article identifies the main factors that led to the victory of Klaus Iohannis, the Christian - Liberal Alliance PNL (Național Liberal Party) - PD-L (Liberal Democratic Party) candidate, în front of Victor Ponta, PSD (Social Democratic Party) - UNPR (Național Union for the Progress of România) - PC (Conservative Party) Alliance candidate. It also analyzes diaspora protests episode and its electoral implications, a phenomenon that seems to strengthen the hypothesis of reinventing civic
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2.jsp?id=241 http://www.qmagazine.ro/dna-in-campanie-electorala 258902.html http://www.roaep.ro/bec europ 2014/?page id=2000 http://www.romanialibera.ro/politică/politica-alegeri-prezidentiale/ponta--vreau-sa-le-multumesc-romanilor-care-au-venit-la-vot--poporul-are-intotdeauna-dreptate--l-am-sunat-pe-dl-iohannis--l-am-felicitat-pentru-rezultat-357709 http://www.mediafax.ro/social/csm-s-a-sesizat-in-cazul-declaratiilor-lui-ponta-despre-dosarul-lukoil-13369832 Some Citizens Are Ill Informed and Lack Basic Knowledge of Politics. Should We Limit Their Right to Vote? Maria CERNAT Abstract: This article tries to examine some of the antidemocratic messages that appeared în social media during the Romanian presidential campaign of 2014. My hypothesis is that the idea of
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Citizens Are Ill Informed and Lack Basic Knowledge of Politics. Should We Limit Their Right to Vote? Maria CERNAT Abstract: This article tries to examine some of the antidemocratic messages that appeared în social media during the Romanian presidential campaign of 2014. My hypothesis is that the idea of limiting the right to vote gained the sympathy of the middle class - highly trained and remunerated individuals aș a result of those messages disseminated during the 2014 presidential campaign. Namely, for the
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messages that appeared în social media during the Romanian presidential campaign of 2014. My hypothesis is that the idea of limiting the right to vote gained the sympathy of the middle class - highly trained and remunerated individuals aș a result of those messages disseminated during the 2014 presidential campaign. Namely, for the first time the electoral messages did not targeted only a political candidate but also his voters who were supposedly old, poor, ill-informed, dependent of social aid and prone to
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remunerated individuals aș a result of those messages disseminated during the 2014 presidential campaign. Namely, for the first time the electoral messages did not targeted only a political candidate but also his voters who were supposedly old, poor, ill-informed, dependent of social aid and prone to sacrifice their political power for material benefits. În the first part of my article I shall focus on the way the new media are shaping the political competition trying to find ouț whether these media
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beyond their actual reach. Social media are no exception to this rule. Aș professor Tim Wu1 is showing, every time a new communication technology was invented its appearance generated waves of enthusiasm. The case of the mass-media is especially representative of this type of reaction. Once the telegraph, the radio or the television were made available to the public these technologies were invested with the power of literally changing the world for the better. But the history of the media proved
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documents it with historical dată that proves that every time a new information technology was made possible by the discovery of some genius the waves of enthusiasm were quickly followed by disappointment. The technological discovery is welcomed aș a source of social progress but the hopes are almost always betrayed since the state institutions use it for political propagandă and the private corporations for gaining significant profits. The well-being of the public is almost never on the agenda of the important
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