43,092 matches
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Șo aș a conclusion: Social media is not bringing citizens closer to the political power. Although the media is more present than ever în our lives we are growingly distrustful about its messages and about the political leaders. Devious forms of social control prevent uș from entering the political debate în the online environment. The status of "unprofessional journalists" hâș only the costs but not the benefits of that of a professional journalist. Political engagement is not something more present în
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84981_a_85766]
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the media is more present than ever în our lives we are growingly distrustful about its messages and about the political leaders. Devious forms of social control prevent uș from entering the political debate în the online environment. The status of "unprofessional journalists" hâș only the costs but not the benefits of that of a professional journalist. Political engagement is not something more present în the case of those who use frequently social media. Social media and social hatred: "if you
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84981_a_85766]
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are growingly distrustful about its messages and about the political leaders. Devious forms of social control prevent uș from entering the political debate în the online environment. The status of "unprofessional journalists" hâș only the costs but not the benefits of that of a professional journalist. Political engagement is not something more present în the case of those who use frequently social media. Social media and social hatred: "if you have someone în your family that votes for Ponta, be a
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84981_a_85766]
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distrustful about its messages and about the political leaders. Devious forms of social control prevent uș from entering the political debate în the online environment. The status of "unprofessional journalists" hâș only the costs but not the benefits of that of a professional journalist. Political engagement is not something more present în the case of those who use frequently social media. Social media and social hatred: "if you have someone în your family that votes for Ponta, be a hero of
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84981_a_85766]
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Romanian voters în two main categories: the young, technological savvy, hard- working, well-paid Romanians, and the old, disconnected, lazy and poor Romanians. This was the dual perspective that the 2014 presidential campaign imposed în the online media. A huge amount of articles written on mainstream press, personal blogs of influential public personalities, viral messages and Facebook posts hâd emphasized that it is time for the hard-working intelligent Romanians to go ouț and vote! Aș the previous campaigns proved the Social Democrats
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subject but the media often presented information to shape this image of the elderly voting for the social- democrats în order to get financial aids. A rise în their pensions or a rise în the unemployment aid constituted, în most of our political analysts a good reason to vote for the social democrats. Things were about to change în the 2014 presidential elections. Aș stated earlier, the online campaign targeted young people with technological skills. But dit is matter? Aș Alexandru
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social media was the primary source of information and that the Facebook community rely made the difference, especially în the second round of the elections. Pictures of Romanians waiting în line în order to vote went viral on Facebook, videos of long lines of people who hâd to stay în line for hours în order to exercise their democratic right to choose their leaders were distributed and presented even în the tradițional media channels. For the first time, the social media
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right to choose their leaders were distributed and presented even în the tradițional media channels. For the first time, the social media seemed to count, but not aș an ideal public sphere, but aș a political weapon, aș a mean of getting people to vote, not to debate. The information presented în the social media was even more polarized that the one presented în the tradițional media. The deregulation of these media allowed even for antidemocratic messages fostering social hatred to
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84981_a_85766]
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ideal public sphere, but aș a political weapon, aș a mean of getting people to vote, not to debate. The information presented în the social media was even more polarized that the one presented în the tradițional media. The deregulation of these media allowed even for antidemocratic messages fostering social hatred to be distributed. This tendency of the new media and the unprecedented polarization of the political communication is not something specific to the Romanian political space. Aș recent researches point
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84981_a_85766]
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Aș recent researches point out17, the use of new media is not the place for more nuanced and rațional political debates. On the contrary, it is the place of selective exposure and anti- democratic messages being disseminated aș a result of very loose or absent regulation. Some believe that the image of the online community formed of well-informed, young and intelligent people was itself a marketing tool. The online community made a difference especially since people were encouraged to think about
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Some believe that the image of the online community formed of well-informed, young and intelligent people was itself a marketing tool. The online community made a difference especially since people were encouraged to think about themselves aș the bright future of this country, the heroes that must fight with the poor, lazy, drunken voters of Victor Ponta. "The social-media buble is a majority now" stated one of the marketing analyst of the presidential campaign. În fact, there are 7.2 milion
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deeply discriminatory and antidemocratic this type of message was present also în other mainstream press platforms such aș Hotnews who tried to emphasize the idea that illiterates should not be allowed to vote20. On May 2014 Răzvan Anghlescu the author of "VaxPopuli" published a video that went viral on the internet. They asked some people that lived în the Romanian villages if they knew the name of their country. He found several people who did not know the answer. Then he
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knew the name of their country. He found several people who did not know the answer. Then he asked if they wanted to vote. And they said "yes"!21 This video hâș 317.296 views and it shows how lack of deontological regulation of the online media could lead to the dissemination of antidemocratic messages. It is not clear whether those people where encouraged în some way to say those things. Răzvan Anghelescu is showing some ill-informed citizens who want to
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not know the answer. Then he asked if they wanted to vote. And they said "yes"!21 This video hâș 317.296 views and it shows how lack of deontological regulation of the online media could lead to the dissemination of antidemocratic messages. It is not clear whether those people where encouraged în some way to say those things. Răzvan Anghelescu is showing some ill-informed citizens who want to vote and Ciprian Ciucu 22, a columnist at one of the most
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is unconstitutional and illegal. Aș Vasile Ernu23 points ouț, these are discriminatory claims that clearly contradict the Romanian Constitution. But there are further dangers attached to such claims. When discussing Noelle Newmann's spiral of silence în the previous section of my article I showed, following the conclusions of Newmann's study, that people perceive the published opinion aș the legitimate opinion of the majority. This is why it is extremely important to have clearer regulations on the type of messages
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media deregulation, social inequality and social hatred can produce a middle class whose frustrations are carefully guided against the most vulnerable categories of the population. Although we have democratic institutions preventing discrimination is not an easy job and the danger of right wing ideology disguised aș "populism" is more present than ever before 25. But social hatred aș a result of class inequality was not the only toxic resource used în the 2014 presidential campaign. The conflict between generations was another
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before 25. But social hatred aș a result of class inequality was not the only toxic resource used în the 2014 presidential campaign. The conflict between generations was another source of political mobilization. În an article that created a lot of controversy, Răzvan Cornețeanu launched an almost inquisitorial battles against "the failed generation of his father" placing the blame for all the problems România faces on the shoulders of the people born 60 years ago. The article was debated live on
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old and stupid" vote. Young people were encouraged to "tech their mothers how to vote" because the elections are a question of competence, that older people, due to their lack of technological skills, cannot possess. The cherry on the top of this extremely antidemocratic series of messages was the idea that Romanians living abroad who are a source of income în the național GDP are the victim of a devious plan designed by a social democrat political leader, Liviu Dragnea, în
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are a question of competence, that older people, due to their lack of technological skills, cannot possess. The cherry on the top of this extremely antidemocratic series of messages was the idea that Romanians living abroad who are a source of income în the național GDP are the victim of a devious plan designed by a social democrat political leader, Liviu Dragnea, în order to prevent them from voting. Although this is not very far from the truth - an investigation being
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în order to pave the way for the illiterate poor and lazy to "take the country" once again!27 Another theme of the 2014 presidential elections was that of the poor and the elders who sell their vote for bottle of oil or for a piece of bread. The social-democrats were accused of using their local political mayors to offer social aids în their communities to the vulnerable citizens în order to gain their loyalty. Although these allegations are very hard
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84981_a_85766]
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for the illiterate poor and lazy to "take the country" once again!27 Another theme of the 2014 presidential elections was that of the poor and the elders who sell their vote for bottle of oil or for a piece of bread. The social-democrats were accused of using their local political mayors to offer social aids în their communities to the vulnerable citizens în order to gain their loyalty. Although these allegations are very hard to prove the social media and
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vote condemns me to poverty and humiliation?"29 This is only an example of the hysteria that surrounded the 2014 presidential elections. What are the consequences? The middle class and the limitation of the right to vote Aș a result of this campaign I tried to see whether the well-educated highly paid people, the ones working în the IT sector consider that the less privileged ones should be prevented from voting. În July 2015 I conducted a series of interviews with
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with seventeen people working în the IT sector. I hâd five questions în my semi-strucured interview: 1. What do you understand by "electoral bribe"? 2. Do you think there are social categories more susceptible to the electoral articles (a bottle of oil, some flower, pencils, Ț shirts) offered during the electoral campaign? Justify the answer. 3. Do you think that these categories were present în the 2014 presidential elections? Justify the answer. 4. Do you think these categories always vote for
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the 2014 presidential elections? Justify the answer. 4. Do you think these categories always vote for a specific can- didate? Justify the answer. 5. Do you think it would be best to prevent such social categories from voting? The subjects of my research were engineers working în the IT sector earning monthly more than 1000 euros. The definitions they offered for electoral bribe varied from "any product considered valuable when compared to the subject's revenues" to "any kind of product
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product considered valuable when compared to the subject's revenues" to "any kind of product offered during the electoral campaign". While the definitions varied, they all agreed that poor people living în the rural area are susceptible to the offering of appearently unimportant things such aș the bottle of oil or a bag of flower. They also agreed on the fact that the vulnerable social categories participated în the 2014 electoral elections and that they vote according to the principle who
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