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Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761

balance. However, this obsession to mobilize non-voters hâș never actually materialized. Turnout and the vote itself have been considered the centerpiece of the new democratic process on whose behalf Romanians died în 1989 - and also for the above mentioned freedom of expression. All components of the public space have sent messages about the importance of voting. But unfortunately for the current situation, they stopped there, în the sense that there was very limited communication regarding the need to also follow the

Polis (2015) [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
that encourage people to vote. And, most certainly, there hâș been no similar effort to explain the functioning of the institutions that are populated through votes or to clarify the real relationship between citizenship rights and these institutions. An explanation of this distinction hâș to do with the source of these types of participation - electoral participation is encouraged (and required) by political parties, while the other three types we defined should be desired by civil society! Or, here we see the

Polis (2015) [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
similar effort to explain the functioning of the institutions that are populated through votes or to clarify the real relationship between citizenship rights and these institutions. An explanation of this distinction hâș to do with the source of these types of participation - electoral participation is encouraged (and required) by political parties, while the other three types we defined should be desired by civil society! Or, here we see the major failure of civil society. Parties are interested în electoral participation to

Polis (2015) [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
while the other three types we defined should be desired by civil society! Or, here we see the major failure of civil society. Parties are interested în electoral participation to legitimize their existence and to gain power (the essential function of their existence), and are willing to do anything (including actions that are borderline illegal or beyond) to be effective. And they are! The parties cannot be interested în increasing political participation, because it would create unnecessary competition and would transform

Polis (2015) [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
communities) should be functions and purposes for civil society, not for parties. Șo, if we see that only electoral participation works and the other do not, it means that we see a performance evaluation for institutions that support different types of participation - aș cynical aș it may seem, these indicators shows the performance of the political parties în a society without civil society . The assault of the anti-corruption battle în recent years, which also leads to a revolution of the mechanisms

Polis (2015) [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
participation - aș cynical aș it may seem, these indicators shows the performance of the political parties în a society without civil society . The assault of the anti-corruption battle în recent years, which also leads to a revolution of the mechanisms of electoral participation (limiting the mechanisms used în recent years), will not lead to a replacement of voter participation based on corruption or uncompetitive actions with a natural and dynamic civic participation (which hâd been blocked until now by the parties

Polis (2015) [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
not lead to a replacement of voter participation based on corruption or uncompetitive actions with a natural and dynamic civic participation (which hâd been blocked until now by the parties).However, it will most likely lead to a lower level of electoral participation, down at the real level of civic participation în România - leading to a further discrediting of democratic political institutions. Today we find that the citizen is involved în electoral processes that generate the political phenomenon, but does not

Polis (2015) [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
based on corruption or uncompetitive actions with a natural and dynamic civic participation (which hâd been blocked until now by the parties).However, it will most likely lead to a lower level of electoral participation, down at the real level of civic participation în România - leading to a further discrediting of democratic political institutions. Today we find that the citizen is involved în electoral processes that generate the political phenomenon, but does not understand the rules and does not foresee any

Polis (2015) [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
dynamic civic participation (which hâd been blocked until now by the parties).However, it will most likely lead to a lower level of electoral participation, down at the real level of civic participation în România - leading to a further discrediting of democratic political institutions. Today we find that the citizen is involved în electoral processes that generate the political phenomenon, but does not understand the rules and does not foresee any utility for his personal agenda. The Romanian citizen chose democracy

Polis (2015) [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
în electoral processes that generate the political phenomenon, but does not understand the rules and does not foresee any utility for his personal agenda. The Romanian citizen chose democracy 25 years ago în response to communism and, for the sake of democracy, he/her chose to participate în the vote aș a major and basically unique form of involvement. It can be considered that for many Romanians the democratic essence of the phenomenon is given only by the vote expressed în

Polis (2015) [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
is given only by the vote expressed în various elections. Although there have been heated discussions about democracy during these years, there hâș been no consolidated action to explain its mechanisms and rules. Democracy hâș been promoted aș a form of struggle against communism, the antithesis of it - and that's it! Just aș the first right-wing parties în România united around anticommunism, (targeting the FSN aș a continuation of the Communist Party) without generating its own ideology and its own

Polis (2015) [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
expressed în various elections. Although there have been heated discussions about democracy during these years, there hâș been no consolidated action to explain its mechanisms and rules. Democracy hâș been promoted aș a form of struggle against communism, the antithesis of it - and that's it! Just aș the first right-wing parties în România united around anticommunism, (targeting the FSN aș a continuation of the Communist Party) without generating its own ideology and its own vision of the future. The message

Polis (2015) [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
of communism due to its origins). But we must not forget that both Traian Băsescu în 2009 and Klaus Johannis în 2014 used the same communicational construct în their campaigns. Being born from denial and ultimately becoming the faceless antithesis of a hateful regime, democracy hâș become a form without substance, just like other concepts recently placed în the public space. It hâș become a shell în which a skillful communicator is able to place anything: a call to battle, ăn

Polis (2015) [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
în which a skillful communicator is able to place anything: a call to battle, ăn apology, ăn explanation ... and eventually just a slogan. Each political party hâș used it, every presidential candidate, local councilor and mayor hâș acted on behalf of democracy and called on Romanians to vote for it. Simplifying communication is a logical step în election campaigns - it is în fact fundamental to their success. However, presenting reality în stereotypes and simplifications between campaigns generates a problem - the Manichaean

Polis (2015) [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
to get involved. Daniel Barbu shows that such an obsession with putting "speech" before "action" hâș existed în România even since the interwar period (if not sooner), when the elites saw modernization aș having "power over words"7. The theory of forms without substance is well known în România - it refers, în our case, to the acquisition of democratic institutions without them having a support în the realities of Romanian society, while hoping that în time the shapes will create the

Polis (2015) [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
în România even since the interwar period (if not sooner), when the elites saw modernization aș having "power over words"7. The theory of forms without substance is well known în România - it refers, în our case, to the acquisition of democratic institutions without them having a support în the realities of Romanian society, while hoping that în time the shapes will create the substance. From this perspective, the Romanian modernization process hâș always been one în which the forms prefaced

Polis (2015) [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
the elites saw modernization aș having "power over words"7. The theory of forms without substance is well known în România - it refers, în our case, to the acquisition of democratic institutions without them having a support în the realities of Romanian society, while hoping that în time the shapes will create the substance. From this perspective, the Romanian modernization process hâș always been one în which the forms prefaced the basis (whether economic, social or cultural). Barbu describes the lack

Polis (2015) [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
Romanian society, while hoping that în time the shapes will create the substance. From this perspective, the Romanian modernization process hâș always been one în which the forms prefaced the basis (whether economic, social or cultural). Barbu describes the lack of Western values în Romanian society and hence the lack of a personal vision on the modernization of Romanian. Without having a clear basis of support, modernization becomes only an element of discourse. And those most able to sustain this discourse

Polis (2015) [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
whether economic, social or cultural). Barbu describes the lack of Western values în Romanian society and hence the lack of a personal vision on the modernization of Romanian. Without having a clear basis of support, modernization becomes only an element of discourse. And those most able to sustain this discourse are those who dictate în society. "Modernity is not lived aș a culture of experience, founded on the dynamics of economy and on social foresight, but aș a culture of discourse

Polis (2015) [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
based on historical values and is subjected to irradiation from the European democratic model". Modernization is a form of conversion of the prerogatives of power, exercised through political discourse. Politics therefore does not reflect decision making space about a vision of development, but a place where, through discourse, Romanians discover their modernity based on what they know (the past, for example). Modernity în interwar România was not debated în order to be adapted to reality, but was disputed by those who

Polis (2015) [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
that hat to be applied automatically, without adjustments) or from tradiționalist, historical, național, or modern roots (which led to the creation of the Romanian naționalist discourse). There was no dialogue or consensus regarding a vision of modernization and a strengthening of institutions and social values. Does this sound familiar? Does it resemble post-89 România? Of course, aș long aș the mechanisms are the same - we have discourse (sometimes excessively), but speech is not transformed into action. Conclusions Over time, trust în

Polis (2015) [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
are fundamental parts without which the entire scaffolding would collapse. A political debate can take place without any candidate being present, even without having politicians even present (în the case of contemporary news television). An electoral debate would be devoid of substance without candidates and parties. Șo, although the institution that gathers all elected representatives under the same roof collapses every year în terms of confidence and although the party structures are also collapsing, each hâș managed to keep turnout score

Polis (2015) [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
the institution that gathers all elected representatives under the same roof collapses every year în terms of confidence and although the party structures are also collapsing, each hâș managed to keep turnout score at over 50% until now, through mechanisms of electoral communication and by organizing to ensure voter participation. Lately, state institutions have begun to investigate the ways în which political structures generate turnout. Starting with the "Quality Trophy" case and arriving at the (currently not final) conviction în the

Polis (2015) [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
predictably, party members will engage much less în the actual campaign, but also în boosting the presence of citizens at the voting booths. Meanwhile, we are left with the reality that, of the many teachings that the new political leadership of Romanian hâș to disseminate to a population that hâș a background of 42 years of communist totalitarianism, the only one that can be considered useful was the electoral participation. The rest - political participation and especially civic participation - remain at a

Polis (2015) [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
the presence of citizens at the voting booths. Meanwhile, we are left with the reality that, of the many teachings that the new political leadership of Romanian hâș to disseminate to a population that hâș a background of 42 years of communist totalitarianism, the only one that can be considered useful was the electoral participation. The rest - political participation and especially civic participation - remain at a very, very low level. România therefore remains an Electoral Republic above all else... Notes 1

Polis (2015) [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]