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access at the work of the great novelist. Note 1 Mihai Vacariu benefited from a PhD scholarship at SNSPA, POSDRU/ 159/1.5/S/134650. 2 Grigore Georgiu, Comunicare interculturală, București, Comunicare.ro, 2010. 3 M. R. Bloshteyn, The Making of a Counter-culture Icon: Henry Miller's Dostoevsky, Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 2007 4 Constantin Dobrogeanu-Gherea, ,,Generația nouă" de Turgheniev, în Studii Critice. București, Editura pentru Literatură, 1967. 5 Ibidem, p.225. 6 G. M. Ivanov, "Lămuriri pentru un recenzet
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lui Dostoievski, Ed. Cartea Românească, 1983 26 Alfred Heinrich, Tentația absolutului: personaj și compoziție în opera lui Dostoievski, op. cît. 27 Ileana Mălăncioiu, Vina tragică: tragici greci, Shakespeare, Dostoievski, Kafka, Cartea Românească, București, 1978. Bibliography BLOSHTEYN, M. R., The Making of a Counter-culture Icon: Henry Miller's Dostoevsky, Toronto, University of Toronto Press, Bloshteyn, 2007. CĂLINESCU, George, Realism și parabolă. Secolul 20, 100(4), 1969. CRAINIC, Nichifor, Dostoievski și creștinismul rus, Constantă, Editura Sfinții Martiri Brâncoveni, 2013. CRISTEA, Valeriu, Dicționarul personajelor
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provided by the intellect is not enough to know the world aș a process; reason is needed în this case, and by reason Hegel understands something much more complex and trustworthy than Kant does. This essay follows Hegel's acception of intellect and reason and the process of their becoming aș two opposed, but not independent sides of the fulfillment of human spirit. Keywords: intellect, reason, concept, dialectics, spirit. Intelect și rațiune: o distincție kantiana Filozofia modernă, și în special idealismul
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to know the world aș a process; reason is needed în this case, and by reason Hegel understands something much more complex and trustworthy than Kant does. This essay follows Hegel's acception of intellect and reason and the process of their becoming aș two opposed, but not independent sides of the fulfillment of human spirit. Keywords: intellect, reason, concept, dialectics, spirit. Intelect și rațiune: o distincție kantiana Filozofia modernă, și în special idealismul german, continuă să suscite numeroase dezbateri în
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567; Hegel, Filozofia spiritului, op. cît., p. 289. 40 Hegel, Filozofia spiritului, p. 128. 41 Idem, Logică, op. cît., p. 80. 42 Idem, Știința Logicii, op. cît., pp. 425-426. Vezi și Herbert Marcuse, Reason and Revolution. Hegel and the Rise of Social Theory, Routledge & Kegan Paul, Londra, 1955, p. 124. 43 Idem, Studii filozofice, op. cît., p. 149. 44 Ibidem, pp. 137-138. 45 Idem, Principiile filozofiei dreptului sau elemente de drept natural și de știință a statului, traducere de Virgil Bogdan
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Enciclopedica, București, 1987. KANT, Immanuel, Scrieri moral-politice, traducere de Rodica Croitoru, Editura Științifică, București, 1991. KÜHN, Manfred, Kant. O biografie, traducere de Cornelia Eșianu și Delia Eșian, Editura Polirom, Iași, 2009. MARCUSE, Herbert, Reason and Revolution. Hegel and the Rise of Social Theory, Routledge & Kegan Paul, London, 1955. MUSCA, Vasile, (ed.), D.D. Roșca și Hegel, Editura Viitorul Românesc, București, 1995. PINKARD, Terry, Hegel. A biography, Cambridge University Press, 2000. ROCKMORE, Tom, Before and after Hegel. A historical introduction to Hegel's
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political arena and the big powers (UȘA, Russia and the EU) pay attention more and more to the evolution of EaP countries. Moreover, it seems to be a confrontation between Russia and Western powers regarding the political and geopolitical orientation of EaP countries. Kremlin tries actively to stop the efforts of the EaP to close to the EU and on the other side, the EU aș well aș the UȘA encourage EaP countries to implement reforms în order to build their
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development and offer additional funding for projects to reduce socio-economic imbalances and increase stability"1. The main values which unify the target countries include the rule of law, the respect for human rights, the promotion of democracy and deeper engagement of civil society. Eastern Partnership represents an EU inițiative which "establishes a new political instrument for the promotion of democracy and economic reforms în the EU eastern neighbourhood"2. The idea of the formation of Eastern Partnership hâș two motivations. For
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hâș two dimensions bilateral and multilateral. If the bilateral dimension hâș launched from the beginning, but the instruments available within the multilateral dimension are new for the region. The two main instruments of the Eastern Partnership on the bilateral level of cooperation are the Association Agenda and Association Agreement. The Association Agenda, "an instrument meant to replace the Action Plan, was signed with all the Eastern Partnership countries (except Belarus). The Association Agenda will prepare for and facilitate the entry into
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mutual relationship within it between, regionalizing and globalizing trends"8. Due to regional security complex theory, we can distinguish "between the system level interplay of the global powers, whose capabilities enable them to transcend distance, and the subsystem level interplay of lesser powers whose main security environment is their local region"9. The scholars offer the proper instrument to analyse the security interdependence within a certain region and not between regions. First definition of Barry Buzan and Ole Waiver for security
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transcend distance, and the subsystem level interplay of lesser powers whose main security environment is their local region"9. The scholars offer the proper instrument to analyse the security interdependence within a certain region and not between regions. First definition of Barry Buzan and Ole Waiver for security complex is the following "set of states whose major security perceptions and concerns are șo interlinked that their național security problems cannot reasonably be analysed or resolved apart from one another"10. În
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environment is their local region"9. The scholars offer the proper instrument to analyse the security interdependence within a certain region and not between regions. First definition of Barry Buzan and Ole Waiver for security complex is the following "set of states whose major security perceptions and concerns are șo interlinked that their național security problems cannot reasonably be analysed or resolved apart from one another"10. În 2003 this definition was revised "regional security complex is a set of units
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others states from the region. Beside of these, a regional security complex can be analysed by applying four variables 15: 1) boundary, which differentiates the RSC from its neighbours; 2) anarchic structure, which means that the RSC must be composed of 2 or more autonomous units; 3) polarity - the distribution of power among the units; 4) social construction - which covers the patterns of amity and enmity among the units. (Ioan Horga, Course "Regional Studies", 2013, SNSPA) The theory developed under Copenhagen
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among the units; 4) social construction - which covers the patterns of amity and enmity among the units. (Ioan Horga, Course "Regional Studies", 2013, SNSPA) The theory developed under Copenhagen School hâș the main advantage to analyse each region în terms of regional security terms by applying those four variables and four levels of analysis described above. În the next chapter it will be applied the theoretical approach în order to find ouț if it is formed an Eastern Partnership security complex
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and four levels of analysis described above. În the next chapter it will be applied the theoretical approach în order to find ouț if it is formed an Eastern Partnership security complex. Eastern Partnership aș a Regional Security Complex Analysis of Eastern Partnership from Regional Security Complex Theory Aș it was mentioned în first chapter, Eastern Partnership hâș been recently seen aș a distinctive region. This is the reason for what no expert tried to analyse this region în terms of
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Theory Aș it was mentioned în first chapter, Eastern Partnership hâș been recently seen aș a distinctive region. This is the reason for what no expert tried to analyse this region în terms of regional security complex. Aș a matter of fact, nobody hâș tried thinking at Eastern Partnership aș a regional security complex. That is why this chapter proposes to apply RSCT on each EaP country. În the following, it will be merged the domestic level and state to state
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relation, having în mind also their option to be part of EaP. After this, it will be analysed separately the other two levels: the region's interaction with neighbouring regions and the role of global powers în the region. Republic of Moldova European integration is a priority issue pursued by Republic of Moldova. The European aspiration of Moldova began to take shape în 1994 with the signing of the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement with the EU. The next steps of Moldova
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EaP. After this, it will be analysed separately the other two levels: the region's interaction with neighbouring regions and the role of global powers în the region. Republic of Moldova European integration is a priority issue pursued by Republic of Moldova. The European aspiration of Moldova began to take shape în 1994 with the signing of the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement with the EU. The next steps of Moldova towards the EU were the signing of the Action Plan în
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Republic of Moldova European integration is a priority issue pursued by Republic of Moldova. The European aspiration of Moldova began to take shape în 1994 with the signing of the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement with the EU. The next steps of Moldova towards the EU were the signing of the Action Plan în 2005 and în 2008 an agreement on the liberalization of the visa regime came into force. However, until 2009 the European integration was limited to mere gestures and
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28 - 29 November 2013 and to sign it on 27 June 2014. The DCFTA represents a huge success, offering to Moldova a framework for modernizing its trade relations and economic development by the opening of markets via the progressive removal of customs tariffs and quotas, and by an extensive harmonization of laws, norms and regulations în various trade-related sectors, creating the conditions for aligning key sectors of the Moldovan economy to EU standards. Moreover, starting with 24 April 2014, Moldova was
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important obstacles for Moldova's European integration aspirations. Unfortunately, the conflict în Transnistria remains an unsolved one, în the last 4 years nothing happened în respect of a peaceful resolution. Moreover, Russia's attitude towards Moldova hâș hardened. Last visit of Dimitri Rogozin în Chișinău resulted with a hard threat "Moldova's European integration might complicate a resolution of Transdniestr's status"18. În conclusion, because of Transnistria, Moldova will be threatened by Russia în its European drive aș aș n
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to state relations level, Moldova hâș good relations with all EaP countries. However, Ukrainian - Moldovan relations can be perceived sometimes aș troublesome. There are some unresolved issues between Ukraine and Moldova: "the demarcation of the state border and a number of property issues, ranging from resorts to a hydroelectric station"19. Because of these unresolved issues, a lot of misunderstandings continue to loom the bilateral relations between Moldova and Ukraine and prevent real progress. Ukraine is a key country within Eastern
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perceived sometimes aș troublesome. There are some unresolved issues between Ukraine and Moldova: "the demarcation of the state border and a number of property issues, ranging from resorts to a hydroelectric station"19. Because of these unresolved issues, a lot of misunderstandings continue to loom the bilateral relations between Moldova and Ukraine and prevent real progress. Ukraine is a key country within Eastern Partnership mostly because of its strategic geopolitical position. After Orange Revolution of 2004, Ukraine was considered the most
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of these unresolved issues, a lot of misunderstandings continue to loom the bilateral relations between Moldova and Ukraine and prevent real progress. Ukraine is a key country within Eastern Partnership mostly because of its strategic geopolitical position. After Orange Revolution of 2004, Ukraine was considered the most democratic countries în the Community of Independent States (CIS). According to Freedom House, Ukraine în 2005 enjoy "relatively free media, aș well aș broad civil and political liberties, including freedom of association, aș indicating
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bilateral relations between Moldova and Ukraine and prevent real progress. Ukraine is a key country within Eastern Partnership mostly because of its strategic geopolitical position. After Orange Revolution of 2004, Ukraine was considered the most democratic countries în the Community of Independent States (CIS). According to Freedom House, Ukraine în 2005 enjoy "relatively free media, aș well aș broad civil and political liberties, including freedom of association, aș indicating by numerous active civil society organizations operating în Ukraine"20. The Ukrainian
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