45,651 matches
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The Theory of Mixed State and the Development of Milton's Political Thought", în Publications of the Modern Language Association of America, LVII (1942), pp. 705-36. Fink, S.Z., The Classical Republicanism. An Essay în the Recovery of a Pattern of Thought în Seventeenth Century England, Northwestern University Press, Hevenston 1964. Fletcher, A., "The Innovation of Milton's Machiavellian Son", în Studies în Philology, 107 (2010), pp. 97-113. Fulton, Th., Historical Milton. Manuscript, Prinț and Political Culture în Revolutionary England, Massachusetts
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Torino, 1956. Giarrizzo, G., "Îl pensiero inglese nell' età degli Stuart e della Rivoluzione", în Storia delle idee politiche, economiche e sociali, ed. by L. Firpo, vol. IV1: L'età modernă, Utet, Torino 1987, pp. 165-277. Haller, W., The Rise of Puritanism: or, the way to the new Jerusalem aș set forth în pulpit and press from Thomas Cartwright to John Lilburne and John Milton, 1570-1643, Columbia University Press, New York,1938. Haller, W., Liberty and Reformation în the Puritan Revolution, Columbia
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Machiavelli nei secoli XVI e XVII", în Id., Machiavelli nella cultură europea dell'età modernă, Laterza, Roma-Bari 1995, pp. 213-251. Praz, M., Machiavelli în Inghilterra ed altri saggi șui rapporti letterari anglo-italiani, Sansoni, Firenze, 1962. Raab, F., The English Face of Machiavelli. A Changing Interpretation, 1500-1700, Routledge & Kegan Paul-University of Toronto Press, London-Toronto, 1964. Rahe, P.A., Against Throne and Altar. Machiavelli and Political Theory under the English Republic, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2008. Scott, J., Commonwealth, Principles. Republican Writings of the
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nella cultură europea dell'età modernă, Laterza, Roma-Bari 1995, pp. 213-251. Praz, M., Machiavelli în Inghilterra ed altri saggi șui rapporti letterari anglo-italiani, Sansoni, Firenze, 1962. Raab, F., The English Face of Machiavelli. A Changing Interpretation, 1500-1700, Routledge & Kegan Paul-University of Toronto Press, London-Toronto, 1964. Rahe, P.A., Against Throne and Altar. Machiavelli and Political Theory under the English Republic, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2008. Scott, J., Commonwealth, Principles. Republican Writings of the English Revolution, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2004. Skinner, Q
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1964. Rahe, P.A., Against Throne and Altar. Machiavelli and Political Theory under the English Republic, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2008. Scott, J., Commonwealth, Principles. Republican Writings of the English Revolution, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2004. Skinner, Q., "The Ideological Context of Hobbes's Political Thought", în The Historical Journal, IX (1966), pp. 286-317. Skinner, Q., "John Milton and the Politics of Slavery", în Prose Studies, 23 (2000), pp. 1-22. Stone, L., The Causes of The English Revolution, Routledge and Kegan Paul
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Cambridge, 2004. Skinner, Q., "The Ideological Context of Hobbes's Political Thought", în The Historical Journal, IX (1966), pp. 286-317. Skinner, Q., "John Milton and the Politics of Slavery", în Prose Studies, 23 (2000), pp. 1-22. Stone, L., The Causes of The English Revolution, Routledge and Kegan Paul, London, 1972. Ward, L., The Politics of Liberty în England and Revolutionary America, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2004. Wolfe, D.M., Milton în the Puritan Revolution, Cohen and West, London, 1963. Worden, B., Literature
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highlights the importance of initiating debates concerning upon the place and the role of the Upper Chamber în România. There are underlined the main challenges to which the Romanian Constitution review hâș to provide concrete answers over the next period of time. The article is trying to identify some reflection axes to give impetus to the Senate participation within the instituțional process. The current instituțional framework needs urgent intervention în order to avoid duplications and promote stability and continuity, on one
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http://www.mediafax.ro/life-inedit/explicatia-pentru-cea-mai-celebra-fotografie-din-2012-barack-si-michelle-obama-vorbesc-despre-imbratisarea-care-a-facut-inconjurul-lumii-video-10412488 RELAȚII INTERNAȚIONALE ȘI STUDII EUROPENE The Iconic Essence of Sovereignty Giuseppe CASCIONE Abstract. This essay aims to investigate the relation between the dawn of the Național State în the early Renaissance and the concepts of crisis/apocalypse on one side and visible power on the other. The hypothesis is that without representation there is no State at all. Furthermore we will suggest that the role of the visibility of the state is related to its
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and visible power on the other. The hypothesis is that without representation there is no State at all. Furthermore we will suggest that the role of the visibility of the state is related to its capability to be the "cement of society", that is to say to face the risk of the anomy. This study is based on the research of one of the most important Italian philosophers, Massimo Cacciari and on the work of the well-known German historian Ernst Hartvig
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fight, because it hosts it within itself (the filius perditionis is hostis and hospes of the kat'èchon). Sure, the Middle Ages knew also 'heroic' attempts to found the autonomy of the imperium and conceive its godly origin (just think of Dante's duo ultima). But, to define its own order, the law of the earthly city will come only by giving up any transcendent justification, thus truly representing that space that the mân can fully inhabit 1". În both cases
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that space that the mân can fully inhabit 1". În both cases "what/who restrains" is a force that fights the world's nihilistic annihilation by the Antichrist, that is, by a pure destructive force whose aim is the destruction of everything that Christianity represents. Again, Cacciari says, "does the kat'èchon [...] holds în itself the Anomos? It surely does too; it is totally wrong to translate katéchein aș if it were a simple external opposition; we have seen that not
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man's destiny. "But what indeed is the sense of this katéchein? Of the 'process' that it indicates, 'before' the ultimate battle? Its sense is equally clear and decisive. The kat'èchon is nothing else but the time of hesitation, of a suspended progress that must be read în the same Future [...] When the kat'èchon will be removed, this Age will end. It is 'kept' în its shape 'thanks to what' holds, delays - and by holding, preserves the very iniquity
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powerless before the Adversary's marvels, signs, prodigies, en-érgheia - rather: against the power of its own shrewdness: to 'disguise' aș God, to take His form3". Note that this process of dissolution în fact is nothing more than the intimate constitution of sovereignty: its crisis hâș already begun with its appearance, since its own statute is that of crisis. Mysteries of State What kind of relation is there between the representable and the not-representable în the analysis of the political representation? This
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shrewdness: to 'disguise' aș God, to take His form3". Note that this process of dissolution în fact is nothing more than the intimate constitution of sovereignty: its crisis hâș already begun with its appearance, since its own statute is that of crisis. Mysteries of State What kind of relation is there between the representable and the not-representable în the analysis of the political representation? This visible power, which is the political power that, alone în its historical significance, is unable to
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terms of attributions, functions and rhetorical apparatuses) are transferred from the empire's officials to the bishops - succeeds another period, which reaches the eve of the birth of modern sovereignty, în the lațe Middle Ages and Renaissance, where the transfer of those apparatuses goes în the opposite direction. Kantorowicz says that "under the Pope, princeps and verus imperator, the hierarchic apparatus of the Român Church [...] showed a tendency to become the perfect prototype of an absolute and rațional monarchy founded on
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subject presents continuous osmotic points, at least with the medieval art and depiction, with special reference to the commentators' practice and the commentaries that from time to time were produced în that exercise that partly was tending towards the creation of a jurisprudențial and public law discipline that would lay the foundations of a new way to intend the subject of the representation of sovereignty, and partly trailed after the political requirements that were constantly changing. The 'State Mysteries' discipline is
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depiction, with special reference to the commentators' practice and the commentaries that from time to time were produced în that exercise that partly was tending towards the creation of a jurisprudențial and public law discipline that would lay the foundations of a new way to intend the subject of the representation of sovereignty, and partly trailed after the political requirements that were constantly changing. The 'State Mysteries' discipline is în reality the great lab that produces the so-called Political Theology în
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subject of the representation of sovereignty, and partly trailed after the political requirements that were constantly changing. The 'State Mysteries' discipline is în reality the great lab that produces the so-called Political Theology în the modern age. The very term of mysterium, initially attributed to the sphere of exercise of the sovereign jurisdiction, ends up by acquiring a meaning relevant, în a much broader way, to a personal attribution, that is, more similar to a dignitary prerogative than to a funcțional
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a much broader way, to a personal attribution, that is, more similar to a dignitary prerogative than to a funcțional activity. To this regard, a good example is represented by the practice, reported by Kantorowicz, relevant to the official documents of Fredrick ÎI, where "it is true that the emperor himself, în his Sicilian Constitutions, did not mention that the ministerium Iustitiae, or rather the sacratissimum ministerium Iustitiae that he assigned to his officials. But these two terms - ministerium and mysterium
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Iustitiae, or rather the sacratissimum ministerium Iustitiae that he assigned to his officials. But these two terms - ministerium and mysterium - were almost interchangeable since the early times of Christianity and were always mixed up în medieval times 7". The content of these two terms, mysterium and ministerium is rather ambiguous, but, în a Schmittian way, it is attributed to a difference of political content, where the second of the two terms refers directly to the theological-political function of the decision, aș
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almost interchangeable since the early times of Christianity and were always mixed up în medieval times 7". The content of these two terms, mysterium and ministerium is rather ambiguous, but, în a Schmittian way, it is attributed to a difference of political content, where the second of the two terms refers directly to the theological-political function of the decision, aș it hâș been recently pointed out8. However, we must articulate this assimilation în some successive passage, and the first step consists
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papal office without refuting the necessary continuity în the representation of the entire Church of the believers. Just think of the ancient tradition that kept - until Leo XIII's pontificate în the XX Century - the principle by which the duration of a pope în life could not exceed the length of Saint Peter's papacy (that is, twenty-five years) aș a principle of faith 13. Also the sovereign, from the XIII Century onward, begins to transfer his immortality, or his double
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tradition that kept - until Leo XIII's pontificate în the XX Century - the principle by which the duration of a pope în life could not exceed the length of Saint Peter's papacy (that is, twenty-five years) aș a principle of faith 13. Also the sovereign, from the XIII Century onward, begins to transfer his immortality, or his double body if you wish, to the supposed dignitas that he gets from being, like Christ, the 'leader' of the great corpus reipublicae
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double body if you wish, to the supposed dignitas that he gets from being, like Christ, the 'leader' of the great corpus reipublicae mysticum. One ancient motto says: le roi ne meurt jamais, șo much to borrow also the symbol of this supposed immortality, a symbol that for the Pope was the Phoenix. This mythical bird hâd been selected for its ability to return to life every time after its death, but it hâd at least two more qualities that made
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of the new political theology: the first was its uniqueness, because there could be one, and only one phoenix; the other was its autopoiesis, meaning that the phoenix would revive from its own ashes, thus providing the most evident form of empowerment of politics known în the modern age. The Renaissance Queen who made the largest use of this symbol - but she was not the only one - was certainly Elizabeth I Tudor, who often got herself portrayed în that form. Șo
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