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of convincing people who have never voted and generally stay away from the booths to take part în the process. Many electoral strategies have been based on percentages plucked from non-participants, aș a miraculous solution for overthrowing election predictions. Last but not least, the party propagandă hâș tried to downplay the importance of unfavorable polls, always referring the mass of citizens who did not express their choices and whom, if they were to vote, would alter the existing balance. However, this
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have been considered the centerpiece of the new democratic process on whose behalf Romanians died în 1989 - and also for the above mentioned freedom of expression. All components of the public space have sent messages about the importance of voting. But unfortunately for the current situation, they stopped there, în the sense that there was very limited communication regarding the need to also follow the consequences of the vote. Very little was invested to educate citizens about how to exercise their
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lower level of electoral participation, down at the real level of civic participation în România - leading to a further discrediting of democratic political institutions. Today we find that the citizen is involved în electoral processes that generate the political phenomenon, but does not understand the rules and does not foresee any utility for his personal agenda. The Romanian citizen chose democracy 25 years ago în response to communism and, for the sake of democracy, he/her chose to participate în the
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not want a return of communism, vote for uș! This hâș been the ideology used successfully by the Democratic Convention în the 90s against the Iliescu regime (much more easily perceived aș a continuation of communism due to its origins). But we must not forget that both Traian Băsescu în 2009 and Klaus Johannis în 2014 used the same communicational construct în their campaigns. Being born from denial and ultimately becoming the faceless antithesis of a hateful regime, democracy hâș become
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modernization becomes only an element of discourse. And those most able to sustain this discourse are those who dictate în society. "Modernity is not lived aș a culture of experience, founded on the dynamics of economy and on social foresight, but aș a culture of discourse în which the present is based on historical values and is subjected to irradiation from the European democratic model". Modernization is a form of conversion of the prerogatives of power, exercised through political discourse. Politics
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historical values and is subjected to irradiation from the European democratic model". Modernization is a form of conversion of the prerogatives of power, exercised through political discourse. Politics therefore does not reflect decision making space about a vision of development, but a place where, through discourse, Romanians discover their modernity based on what they know (the past, for example). Modernity în interwar România was not debated în order to be adapted to reality, but was disputed by those who claimed power
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making space about a vision of development, but a place where, through discourse, Romanians discover their modernity based on what they know (the past, for example). Modernity în interwar România was not debated în order to be adapted to reality, but was disputed by those who claimed power or legitimacy either from the Western model (that hat to be applied automatically, without adjustments) or from tradiționalist, historical, național, or modern roots (which led to the creation of the Romanian naționalist discourse
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dialogue or consensus regarding a vision of modernization and a strengthening of institutions and social values. Does this sound familiar? Does it resemble post-89 România? Of course, aș long aș the mechanisms are the same - we have discourse (sometimes excessively), but speech is not transformed into action. Conclusions Over time, trust în political parties hâș steadily declined, at about the same pace aș confidence în Parliament. Aș expected, the fundamental institution of democracy hâș paid the price of the citizen misunderstanding
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and politicians. It remains to be seen în 2016, during the next elections, to what extent the electoral participation score remains constant, taking into account the circumstances în which, predictably, party members will engage much less în the actual campaign, but also în boosting the presence of citizens at the voting booths. Meanwhile, we are left with the reality that, of the many teachings that the new political leadership of Romanian hâș to disseminate to a population that hâș a background
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intellectuals în works such aș "The New Romanian capitalism", Polirom, Iași, 2006. Similar problems are also highlighted by Easter, Miroiu, Codită în "România -Starea de fapt", Volume 1, Nemira Bucharest, 1997. Dragoș Sdrobis talks about the same crisis of "meritocracy", but în the period between WW1 and WW2, în "Meritocracy limits în an agrarian society", Polirom, Iași, 2015. 7 Daniel Barbu, Byzantium against Byzantium. Exploring the Romanian political culture, Bucharest, Nemira, 2001 (p. 264). Bibliography ALMOND, Gabriel, VERBA, Sidney, The Civic
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the British or the American) may be taken into consideration hâș been already suggested by several historians' research. However, our hypothesis is that the Anglo-Saxon model can be emphasized not only în the "archives" of immediate economic or diplomatic interests, but aș a cultural "mediator" between the French culture's "modelling influence" and the German culture's "catalytic influence" (according to Lucian Blaga's theories). The relationship between the beginning of the Romanian political civilization (the stage of political literacy) and
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and interpreting Dostoevsky's works hâș been heterogeneously: decades of being almost forbidden have alternated with moments when his novels have been widely published and promoted. However, particularly în the first two-three decades after the instauration of the communist regime, but later aș well, we can notice a predominant paradigm of referring to and interpreting Dostoevsky's writings by the literary exegetes. Using the content analysis and the comparative analysis, the paper identifies the main constitutive elements of the critical Marxist
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hailed by the Western critics aș one of the greatest writers of all times, his work could not be ignored anymore, both în the Soviet Union and România. Consequently, after an inițial period of silence, Dostoevsky's writings were reconsidered, but only from a Marxist-Leninist perspective. În România, during the first two decades after the instauration of the communist regime, there were published only few of his novels, and the critical texts which accompanied the novels were crowded with ideological references
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then [came] the period when it was totally prohibited to even mention his name (during the dramatic years of 1949-1954) - and [then came] the touching return to him, marked by a flood of monographs and articles about the difficult, controversial, but on the whole, "our" writer both during and after the anniversary year of 1956. |Finally, sometime în the middle of the 1960s, Dostoevsky was almost completely rehabilitated..." 3. Dostoevsky and the paradigmatic Marxist perspective Towards the end of the nineteenth
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to madness" due to influences of "religious sectarian" în detention 5. Nevertheless, the Marxist or socialist paradigm of interpreting Dostoevsky's works was not very popular before the communist era. The novelist political and religious ideas have generated numerous controversies, but most of the critics would defend these conceptions, particularly between the two World Wars. Thus, literary and cultural personalities such aș Nichifor Crainic, Lucian Blaga, G.M. Ivanov, Paul Zarifopol, and Mihai Ralea praised his vision and the prophetic character of
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communism"7. Crainic concludes that the Dostoevsky's great merit was that he foresaw the consequences of socialism, other contemporaries not being able to have such an insight. The religious perspective was probably the most important în the pre-communist era, but în the immediate years after the instauration of the communist regime, the religious perspective either almost disappeared from the exegetical texts or the religious themes were fiercely criticized. Aș it happened în the Soviet Union, în the communist România there
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and Romanian, în order to emphasize the so-called "contradictions" present în the work and life of the writer. It is a typical process by which they seek to legitimize approach and reconsideration of Dostoevsky's work în the communist regime, but also an attempt to undermine certain dostoevskian theses, ideologically sensitive, and therefore to manipulate în one way or another how the reception of the text by the reader. It is arguable the effectiveness of such a method and it does
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theses, ideologically sensitive, and therefore to manipulate în one way or another how the reception of the text by the reader. It is arguable the effectiveness of such a method and it does not represent the subject of this study, but the method hâș been widely used by officials and Communist ideology în other areas, not only literary but also historical, political, economic, religious, etc. The soviet Critic V. Ermilov, for example, indicates that the main elements of his study, namely
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by the reader. It is arguable the effectiveness of such a method and it does not represent the subject of this study, but the method hâș been widely used by officials and Communist ideology în other areas, not only literary but also historical, political, economic, religious, etc. The soviet Critic V. Ermilov, for example, indicates that the main elements of his study, namely, the contradictions of Dostoevsky's work, on the duality which tortured permanently the great Russian novelist being în
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because the readers should thus be able to assimilate the "positive" aspects of his work and reject the "negative" ones. Also, these critics stressed the less optimist views of the Russian writer în respect to the West and capitalist society, but usually, Dostoevsky's remarks were taken ouț of the context and exaggerated. Riurikov, Ermilov, Friedlander and also most of the Romanian critics, from the early period stressed the importance of re-evaluating Dostoevsky through the Marxist-Leninist lens: this sort of analysis
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suppressed her, he did not abolish the evil that resides în the "class difference": "A new pawnbroker took the place of the killed one". Raskolnikov, the critic notes, should "suppress the exploiting class", something that is possible not through assassinate, but by revolution or by "systematic fight of the proletariat". Raskolnikov would have puț himself în the service of organized struggle to overthrow the feudal-bourgeois order, "he would have been a hero of the working class"24. Conclusion The entire process
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process; reason is needed în this case, and by reason Hegel understands something much more complex and trustworthy than Kant does. This essay follows Hegel's acception of intellect and reason and the process of their becoming aș two opposed, but not independent sides of the fulfillment of human spirit. Keywords: intellect, reason, concept, dialectics, spirit. Intelect și rațiune: o distincție kantiana Filozofia modernă, și în special idealismul german, continuă să suscite numeroase dezbateri în mediile științifice din întreaga lume. Postularea
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number of sectors. În the Joint Declaration on the EaP which was signed în Prague on May 7, 2009, it is stipulated that Eastern Partnership hâș two dimensions bilateral and multilateral. If the bilateral dimension hâș launched from the beginning, but the instruments available within the multilateral dimension are new for the region. The two main instruments of the Eastern Partnership on the bilateral level of cooperation are the Association Agenda and Association Agreement. The Association Agenda, "an instrument meant to
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în the region - în the case to this level în is necessary to analyse "the interplay between the global and regional security structures"14. This level of analysis will help uș to have an overview not only about the region, but also about each state of the region and its relation with others states from the region. Beside of these, a regional security complex can be analysed by applying four variables 15: 1) boundary, which differentiates the RSC from its neighbours
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hâș good relation with all EaP countries beside Azerbaijan. Bilateral relations between these two countries have been hostile since Azerbaijan and Armenia fought a war în 1990 over the disputed land - Nagorno Karabakh. This territory is populated by ethnic Armenians but it is internationally recognized aș part of Azerbaijan. The war ended în 1994 when Armenian military forces with the help of Russian forces managed to drive ouț the Azerbajani troops from the disputed land. However, no another country recognized the
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