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bună cooperare între statele aflate pe ruta din Balcanii de Vest. Pe termen mediu și lung, este foarte important să se lucreze la cauzele acestui fenomen, fie că vorbim de sărăcia din țările din Africa, fie că facem referire la conflictul din Siria. Există încă o problemă asociată fenomenului migraționist pe care trebuie să o amintesc: acum, cănd mii de refugiați bat la porțile continentului nostru, tentațiile populismului și rasismului riscă să renască. Împreună cu statele Europei, avem datoria de a le
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a fost un alt fel de a face politică: fără scandal, cu seriozitate și respect. Cred că din acest punct de vedere întregul climat politic a început să se schimbe. De la nivelul instituției prezidențiale nu se mai generează tensiune și conflict, ci dialog și colaborare instituțională corectă. Sunt apoi o serie de alte proiecte care au fost duse la bun sfârșit și a caror adoptare nu era neapărat predictibilă, ținând cont de opiniile diferite din mediul politic dar și de experiență
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instituțională corectă. Sunt apoi o serie de alte proiecte care au fost duse la bun sfârșit și a caror adoptare nu era neapărat predictibilă, ținând cont de opiniile diferite din mediul politic dar și de experiență anilor trecuți, marcați de conflicte și de absență dialogului chiar și în probleme fundamentale pentru România. Avem o nouă Strategie Națională de Apărare, care a fost adoptată în termen de 6 luni, avem o nouă legislație electorală și o lege a votului prin corespondență. Sunt
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oarecare nivel de "alfabetizare politică" se poate ajunge mai ales pe calea mobilizării cognitive 12. De unde și importanța unor științe-mediatoare precum istoria sau economia în dezvoltarea facultăților de înțelegere practică a vietii cotidiene și de recunoaștere/ acceptare imediată a proximității conflictului. Revenind acum la situația României veaculului al XIX-lea, vom descoperi că există o relație directă între nivelul de alfabetizare politică și gradul de "mobilizare cognitivă": educația politică nu se poate face în absență curiozității (suscitate de presa internațională sau
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conceptions of the author"14. The Romanian socialist realist critic Mihai Novicov mentions those aspects of the writer's texts convenient ideologically, considering that his oeuvre save itself due to the "consistent realism of the author" and because în the "conflict between the reactionary ideologue and the realist writer, the victory was won by the latter"15. Another common aspect of Marxist texts both în România and the Soviet Union was the express motivation of the need for a reconsideration of
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to argue that Eastern Partnership countries at this phase don't form a Regional Security Complex and the EU and UȘA should rethink its approach towards this region. Keywords: Regional Security Complex Theory, Economic integration, Security complex, Regional cooperation, Frozen conflict, Eastern Partnership Plus Introduction The EU accession of the ten Central - Eastern European states în 2004 hâș created new external borders, thus increasing the necessity to tighten cooperation with the new eastern neighbors. When Bulgaria and România joined the European
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law no. 180 of 19/12/2011 established the Național Integrity Commission, aiming to control officials' wealth 16. However, these anti-corruption institutions for time being don't have a successful activity în their anti-corruption efforts. A big threat is Transnistrian conflict. Anyway the conflict în Transnistria is considered "the least violent of the four frozen conflicts în the EaP area"17. For sure, this conflict represents one of most important obstacles for Moldova's European integration aspirations. Unfortunately, the conflict în
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of 19/12/2011 established the Național Integrity Commission, aiming to control officials' wealth 16. However, these anti-corruption institutions for time being don't have a successful activity în their anti-corruption efforts. A big threat is Transnistrian conflict. Anyway the conflict în Transnistria is considered "the least violent of the four frozen conflicts în the EaP area"17. For sure, this conflict represents one of most important obstacles for Moldova's European integration aspirations. Unfortunately, the conflict în Transnistria remains an
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being don't have a successful activity în their anti-corruption efforts. A big threat is Transnistrian conflict. Anyway the conflict în Transnistria is considered "the least violent of the four frozen conflicts în the EaP area"17. For sure, this conflict represents one of most important obstacles for Moldova's European integration aspirations. Unfortunately, the conflict în Transnistria remains an unsolved one, în the last 4 years nothing happened în respect of a peaceful resolution. Moreover, Russia's attitude towards Moldova
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Transnistrian conflict. Anyway the conflict în Transnistria is considered "the least violent of the four frozen conflicts în the EaP area"17. For sure, this conflict represents one of most important obstacles for Moldova's European integration aspirations. Unfortunately, the conflict în Transnistria remains an unsolved one, în the last 4 years nothing happened în respect of a peaceful resolution. Moreover, Russia's attitude towards Moldova hâș hardened. Last visit of Dimitri Rogozin în Chișinău resulted with a hard threat "Moldova
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them regarding foreign policy, they will now try to develop a modus vivendi în the sphere of bilateral relations, regardless of the disputes about internal policy"24. The bilateral relation with Moldova can be considered relatively unsatisfactory because of Transnistria conflict (See p. 14). However, the relations of Ukraine with Armenia, Georgia and Azerbaijan can be perceived aș diplomatic relations without tracks of enmity, not even amity. Belarus saw the possibility to join EaP aș a chance to escape from isolation
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administration, particularly the judiciary, the police and the health sector, are especially vulnerable to corruption. This situation is echoed by Armenia's poor performance în most areas assessed by governance indicators"29. The biggest threat of Armenia is Nagorno-Karabach frozen conflict which represent a serious challenge to the security, stability, and prosperity of the Armenia. At the state to state relation level, Armenia hâș good relation with all EaP countries beside Azerbaijan. Bilateral relations between these two countries have been hostile
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part of Azerbaijan. The war ended în 1994 when Armenian military forces with the help of Russian forces managed to drive ouț the Azerbajani troops from the disputed land. However, no another country recognized the separatist quasi-statelet of Nagorno-Karabach30. This conflict remains to be a frozen one and there is likely to escalate at any time. Russia hâș always been the ally of Armenia, but în fact this fact caused "a politically, economically and militarily dependence on Russia, which over the
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poverty because of "the uneven distribution of profit generated by the energy sector that contributes to significant social disparities, and undermines attempts to fight poverty, which remains persistent în Azerbaijan"34. A big threaten to Azerbaijan is related with the conflict over Nagorno Karabakh described above. În this context, Azerbaijan is determined to reclaim Nagorno-Karabakh and a potențial conflict with Armenia could affect its security. At the state to state relation level, Azerbaijan hâș difficult and hostile relation with Armenia because
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disparities, and undermines attempts to fight poverty, which remains persistent în Azerbaijan"34. A big threaten to Azerbaijan is related with the conflict over Nagorno Karabakh described above. În this context, Azerbaijan is determined to reclaim Nagorno-Karabakh and a potențial conflict with Armenia could affect its security. At the state to state relation level, Azerbaijan hâș difficult and hostile relation with Armenia because of disputed land Nagorno - Karabakh. Azerbaijan hâș traditionally good relation with a non Eastern Partnership country - Turkey. Lately
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aș "Turkey tried to improve its relations with Armenia, increased co-operation with Russia, and could not agree on transit prices for Azerbaijan's natural resources"35. Georgia accepted to join EaP being interested în the involvement of the EU în conflict resolution în the Caucasus, but also în visa liberalization and the establishments of a free trade with EU. After Roșe Revolution în 2003 the Georgian president Mihail Saakashvili wanted the integration of Georgia în NATO and EU. However, the integration
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culture remained intact) or regional cooperation and on the other hand, the Eastern Partnership countries have not been affected by long-standing enmities. Inside Eastern Partnership a form of enmity we can notice between Armenia and Azerbaijan related with the frozen conflict în Nagorno Karabah or Moldova and Ukraine related with the conflict în Transnistria. Briefly, I will show why Armenia and Azerbaijan form a regional security complex build upon enmity. Since 1990 Armenia and Azerbaijan are în an on-going over Nagorno
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the Eastern Partnership countries have not been affected by long-standing enmities. Inside Eastern Partnership a form of enmity we can notice between Armenia and Azerbaijan related with the frozen conflict în Nagorno Karabah or Moldova and Ukraine related with the conflict în Transnistria. Briefly, I will show why Armenia and Azerbaijan form a regional security complex build upon enmity. Since 1990 Armenia and Azerbaijan are în an on-going over Nagorno Karabakh which is considered a frozen conflict. Applying the variables of
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Ukraine related with the conflict în Transnistria. Briefly, I will show why Armenia and Azerbaijan form a regional security complex build upon enmity. Since 1990 Armenia and Azerbaijan are în an on-going over Nagorno Karabakh which is considered a frozen conflict. Applying the variables of RSCT, we can see that Armenia and Azerbaijan hâș the same boundary, being neighbours, they share the geopolitical aspiration to annex Nagorno Karabach territory. The anarchic structure variable is also present because the regional security complex
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Armenia. The social construction is based on historical enmity between these two countries since the war of 1990. Moreover, we can observe the involvement of other big powers such Russia, EU and UȘA în the peaceful resolution of this frozen conflict. Moldova and Ukraine form also a regional security complex because of Transnistrian conflict. This regional security complex is also based on enmity. Kiev is directly involved în resolving the Transnistria conflict and Chișinău perceive this involvement aș threat. Moldovan officials
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since the war of 1990. Moreover, we can observe the involvement of other big powers such Russia, EU and UȘA în the peaceful resolution of this frozen conflict. Moldova and Ukraine form also a regional security complex because of Transnistrian conflict. This regional security complex is also based on enmity. Kiev is directly involved în resolving the Transnistria conflict and Chișinău perceive this involvement aș threat. Moldovan officials consider that Ukraine is reluctant to solve this conflict în benefit of Moldova
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and UȘA în the peaceful resolution of this frozen conflict. Moldova and Ukraine form also a regional security complex because of Transnistrian conflict. This regional security complex is also based on enmity. Kiev is directly involved în resolving the Transnistria conflict and Chișinău perceive this involvement aș threat. Moldovan officials consider that Ukraine is reluctant to solve this conflict în benefit of Moldova's territorial integrity. On the other hand, Ukraine perceives a historical problem with Moldova regarding the demarcation of
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complex because of Transnistrian conflict. This regional security complex is also based on enmity. Kiev is directly involved în resolving the Transnistria conflict and Chișinău perceive this involvement aș threat. Moldovan officials consider that Ukraine is reluctant to solve this conflict în benefit of Moldova's territorial integrity. On the other hand, Ukraine perceives a historical problem with Moldova regarding the demarcation of the state border and a number of property issues, ranging from resorts to a hydroelectric station. Applying those
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was "Ukrainian land". Moldovan officials consider that Ukraine intentionally don't want to sustain resolution efforts. However, at the beginning of 2013 Ukraine took over the OSCE chairmanship and declared that from this position, Ukraine will try to boost the conflict resolution în Transnistria. Until now there is no any achievement în the respect of conflict resolution în Transnistria. Conclusion Aș I have analysed above despite the fact that the EaP countries hâd a common history with Soviet Union, the EaP
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efforts. However, at the beginning of 2013 Ukraine took over the OSCE chairmanship and declared that from this position, Ukraine will try to boost the conflict resolution în Transnistria. Until now there is no any achievement în the respect of conflict resolution în Transnistria. Conclusion Aș I have analysed above despite the fact that the EaP countries hâd a common history with Soviet Union, the EaP states vary greatly, both în their features and în their expectations regarding the EU. Eastern
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