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Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761

later present în the general Marxist-Leninist paradigm. For example, the preoccupation for the psychological side of the characters, highlighting their social status and repeatedly referring to the social context which influences human behavior. În only one paper, the author uses more than 20 time the word "suffering" and very of the words expressing the degradation of the impoverished and fallen society, for instance "disinherited", "oppressed", "humiliated", "criminal", and "convicted". The religious ideas are vehemently rejected suggesting that the writer himself came

Polis (2015) [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
it happened în the Soviet Union, în the communist România there were periods of fluctuation în respect to the reception of Dostoevsky's works, the periods of total absence of translations or exegetical texts being followed by intervals with a more relaxed censorship, when most of the novels were published, accompanied by critical studies. Aș a general characteristic, the first decade was characterized by "silence", only very few interpretative articles and book translations from Dostoevsky being published, while în 1956, the

Polis (2015) [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
literary critics. It was one necessary way of legitimating the entire process of publishing and promoting Dostoevsky's literary work. The content analysis and comparative analysis revealed that în these texts there are present some common elements, particular în the more ideological critical studies published particularly în the first three decades. These constitutive elements of the Marxist paradigm of approaching and interpreting Dostoevsky's creation are, în general, the result of the ideological pressure of that time, having themselves an insistent

Polis (2015) [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
hero of the working class"24. Conclusion The entire process of reception of Dostoevsky's work hâd a non-linear evolution, sinusoidal, with fluctuating periods, his novels being either published extensively or periods of "silence" when his works were almost forbidden. More specifically, în spițe of the fact that for example în the lațe '60s almost all of his novels have been translated, the numerous commentaries and critical studies were extremely biased and ideological, positioned within a Marxist-Leninist perspective. On the other

Polis (2015) [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
biased and ideological, positioned within a Marxist-Leninist perspective. On the other hand, în the '80s, for example, only few interpretative texts were published and, notably, they are less ideological and have a higher qualitative literary value, the censorship being somehow more relaxed în respect to the process of interpreting the oeuvre of the Russian novelist. A similar situation occurs regarding the themes and topics addressed by the authors: while în the first decades the focus was on highlighting the aspects which

Polis (2015) [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
regarding the themes and topics addressed by the authors: while în the first decades the focus was on highlighting the aspects which was possible to bring them în a relative accord with communist ideology, în the latest period, there were more nuanced interpretations, sensible and controversial themes being approach, including the religious ones. This was possible because his works were not regarded aș dangerous anymore by the communist officials, the "fight with Dostoevsky" being characteristic în the '50s. În the Soviet

Polis (2015) [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
radiography of the process of Dostoevsky's reception during the communist period, we can note two distinct trends: the Marxist perspective, dominant over time, excepting the last two decades, and when only few studies were published. A second perspective, a more theoretical or technical, focused on various literary or psychological themes which much less ideological, such aș the studies of Valeriu Cristea 25, Friedrich Heinrich 26, Albert Kovacs or the excepțional study of Ileana Mălăncioiu Vină tragică 27. Aș noted în

Polis (2015) [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
Abstract. Hegel's philosophy is characterized, to a great extent, by the Kantian distinction between intellect and reason. However, Kant's successor offers new meaning to both intellect and reason and contradicts the Kantian assumption of the intellect being a more reliable source of knowledge than reason. For Hegel, the empirical knowledge provided by the intellect is not enough to know the world aș a process; reason is needed în this case, and by reason Hegel understands something much more complex

Polis (2015) [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
a more reliable source of knowledge than reason. For Hegel, the empirical knowledge provided by the intellect is not enough to know the world aș a process; reason is needed în this case, and by reason Hegel understands something much more complex and trustworthy than Kant does. This essay follows Hegel's acception of intellect and reason and the process of their becoming aș two opposed, but not independent sides of the fulfillment of human spirit. Keywords: intellect, reason, concept, dialectics

Polis (2015) [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
basis of a free and pluralist society, nowadays the Eastern Partnership is seen aș an "out-dated" approach of the EU. However, Eastern Partnership is visible on European political arena and the big powers (UȘA, Russia and the EU) pay attention more and more to the evolution of EaP countries. Moreover, it seems to be a confrontation between Russia and Western powers regarding the political and geopolitical orientation of EaP countries. Kremlin tries actively to stop the efforts of the EaP to

Polis (2015) [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
a free and pluralist society, nowadays the Eastern Partnership is seen aș an "out-dated" approach of the EU. However, Eastern Partnership is visible on European political arena and the big powers (UȘA, Russia and the EU) pay attention more and more to the evolution of EaP countries. Moreover, it seems to be a confrontation between Russia and Western powers regarding the political and geopolitical orientation of EaP countries. Kremlin tries actively to stop the efforts of the EaP to close to

Polis (2015) [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
the region. Beside of these, a regional security complex can be analysed by applying four variables 15: 1) boundary, which differentiates the RSC from its neighbours; 2) anarchic structure, which means that the RSC must be composed of 2 or more autonomous units; 3) polarity - the distribution of power among the units; 4) social construction - which covers the patterns of amity and enmity among the units. (Ioan Horga, Course "Regional Studies", 2013, SNSPA) The theory developed under Copenhagen School hâș the

Polis (2015) [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
Georgia, proved that democratic transformations în the CIS area are possible. Aș a result, Belarus, until recently perceived to be one of the many authoritarian or semi-authoritarian post-Soviet states, today is viewed by the United States and the European Union more aș a challenge. Western states may decide that since the democrats were successful în Ukraine, the opposition în Belarus should be supported by even greater involvement"23. However, the bilateral relations not suffered too much, "because both Ukraine and Belarus

Polis (2015) [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
the state to state relation level, Belarus is quite isolated and don't have developed relations with other EaP countries. The main political partner of Belarus is Russia and both of them have close political, economic and security related bond. More sor, Belarus took part at the creation of Customs Union which is a regional integration project initiated by Russian Federation that tries to copy EaP inițiative. Armenia The EU and its shared value are very popular among Armenians; however the

Polis (2015) [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
and also to benefit from new funds for the modernization of the country. However, Armenian President declared that Armenia will join to Customs Union 28. At the domestic level, Armenia hâș huge problems with political corruption, being the biggest vulnerability. More șo, this phenomenon "permeating all levels of society: the public administration, particularly the judiciary, the police and the health sector, are especially vulnerable to corruption. This situation is echoed by Armenia's poor performance în most areas assessed by governance

Polis (2015) [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
aspirations through pressures. For example, Russia imposed the embargo for Moldovan wines 39 and a large number of Moldovan immigrants have been expelled ouț of Russian territory 40. În case of Ukraine, Russia imposed the embargo for Ukrainian chocolates 41. More șo, Russia created the Customs Union trying to copy the Eastern Partnership project, and through this platform Russian authorities try to convince Eastern Partnership countries to give up at their European aspirations. Until now, Armenian president declared officially that his

Polis (2015) [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
Eastern Partnership countries differentiate from its neighbours by their European aspirations. Theoretically, it should be șo. However, according to the Index of European Integration 43 for Eastern Partnership countries, Azerbaijan, Belarus and Armenia are not frontrunners with EU membership aspirations. More șo, Armenia recently announced that it wants to join a Russia-led Customs Union and Belarus will be for sure member of Custom Union together with Kazakhstan. Șo, which is the difference between Kazakhstan which is not member of Eastern Partnership

Polis (2015) [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
countries aș far aș no instituțional (taking în account that Armenia and Belarus want to join Customs Union) or geographic proximity don't support this hypothesis. 2. Anarchic structure which means the Eastern Partnership should be composed of 2 or more autonomous units. Eastern Partnership, indeed, is composed by six countries mentioned în first chapter: Ukraine, Belarus, Republic of Moldova, Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia. There is no any authority above them and also I can't identify any changes to the

Polis (2015) [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
is the best performer în terms of democratization and convergence with EU policies; which means that there are some differential growth rateș among EaP related with reform and democratic modernization. Notwithstanding, the Moldovan achievement doesn't make it to be more powerful and to change the distribution of power în EaP region. 4. Last variable is social construction which covers the patterns of amity or enmity among the Eastern Partnership countries. EaP countries, on the one hand, don't share any

Polis (2015) [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
its center sector, 442 km, not controlled by the government în Chișinău 45. Regarding anarchic structure it is obvious that the security complex is formed by two countries and a separatist territory, by nobody recognized - Transnistria. Social construction is based more on a historical enmity. The territory of the left bank of the Nistru hâș been part of Ukraine Soviet far into 1940, when the constitution was proclaimed Moldavian Soviet Socialist Republic în the USSR. Although Transnistria does not identify with

Polis (2015) [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
account the universality of the urbanization phenomena, aș specific phenomena of the global age, at the beginning of the XXIst century. Quality of the human being "to live into great urban agglomerations" should be taken, în our opinion, into consideration, more attentively, by the XXIst century legal academic school, this quality shifting towards a legal quality, and generating rights and obligations specific to the human being of the XXIst century global society. Also, it should be recommended to ellaborate (possibly, through

Polis (2015) [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
opened a debate about the political, economical and security consequences of immigration în European Union. A hidden ideological conflict was transformed into a linguistic controversy: should the new-comers be named migrants or refugees? During time and development of the crisis, more and more journalists and political leaders switched from 'refugees' to 'migrants', aș it became clear that many asylum seekers weren't even from war zones. However, the main concern of the most people was related to potențial security risks. An

Polis (2015) [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
debate about the political, economical and security consequences of immigration în European Union. A hidden ideological conflict was transformed into a linguistic controversy: should the new-comers be named migrants or refugees? During time and development of the crisis, more and more journalists and political leaders switched from 'refugees' to 'migrants', aș it became clear that many asylum seekers weren't even from war zones. However, the main concern of the most people was related to potențial security risks. An investigation into

Polis (2015) [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
through religious identity of their parents and radicalization. Due to denial of the separation of religion and state în Islam, this could seriously threaten the Western secular state and cultural model. Being din wa dawla (religion and state), Islam is more than a religion; it is a hybrid we can call 'relideology', which seems to be quite attractive for young Muslims seeking self-actualization. Keywords: Islam, migrants, jihad, terrorism, muslim, refugees. Introducere "Criză migranților" din Europa, atentatele teroriste repetate de pe teritoriul Franței

Polis (2015) [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
and the Royalty since 1989, Curtea Veche Publishing, Preface by Emil Hurezeanu, 388p., 2015; The Monarchial Republic: Royal Family contribution to the Euro-Atlantic integration of România, Junimea Publishing House, 140 pp., 2009. Aș a result of his researches, he published more than ten scientific articles, tens of reviews and articles în cultural journals or newspapers. Between 2009 and 2011, Mr. Muraru hâș collaborated with the Institute for the Investigation of Communist Crimes and the Memory of the Romanian Exile and with

Polis (2015) [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]