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din 30 noiembrie 2014. Indiferent de succesiunea guvernelor, parcursul european al Republicii Moldova trebuie să continue. La fel, trebuie continuate eforturile de reformă, de consolidare a instituțiilor statului de drept, de soluționare a problemelor socio-economice ale actualității. Din această perspectivă, Republica Moldova are nevoie de un guvern stabil și deplin angajat să acționeze cu energie în toate aceste direcții. Țara noastră este, fără nicio îndoială, o ancoră de stabilitate în regiune și un partener solid al statelor vecine - Republică Moldova și Ucraina - în
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duse la bun sfârșit și a caror adoptare nu era neapărat predictibilă, ținând cont de opiniile diferite din mediul politic dar și de experiență anilor trecuți, marcați de conflicte și de absență dialogului chiar și în probleme fundamentale pentru România. Avem o nouă Strategie Națională de Apărare, care a fost adoptată în termen de 6 luni, avem o nouă legislație electorală și o lege a votului prin corespondență. Sunt angajamente pe care le-am asumat la începutul acestui an și care
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diferite din mediul politic dar și de experiență anilor trecuți, marcați de conflicte și de absență dialogului chiar și în probleme fundamentale pentru România. Avem o nouă Strategie Națională de Apărare, care a fost adoptată în termen de 6 luni, avem o nouă legislație electorală și o lege a votului prin corespondență. Sunt angajamente pe care le-am asumat la începutul acestui an și care s-au realizat. Aș menționa totodată consolidarea statului de drept și faptul că în această perioadă
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research papers, în particular Euro-barometer surveys, which referred to Romanians' support for democracy, rule of law and economic freedom). But beyond the rhetoric, which was and is, în fact, the real situation? If we take the statements into account, Romanians are participative, want political pluralism and many parties and want support elements of liberal democracy - but do they take advantage of these rights? Are they active citizens, organized în a dynamic civil society? Do they engage with public decisions and policies
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which was and is, în fact, the real situation? If we take the statements into account, Romanians are participative, want political pluralism and many parties and want support elements of liberal democracy - but do they take advantage of these rights? Are they active citizens, organized în a dynamic civil society? Do they engage with public decisions and policies even after the election period? Are we a society where politics matter only în election years or one în which political and civic
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many parties and want support elements of liberal democracy - but do they take advantage of these rights? Are they active citizens, organized în a dynamic civil society? Do they engage with public decisions and policies even after the election period? Are we a society where politics matter only în election years or one în which political and civic participation is stimulated and active the rest of the time? Research helps uș în this regard. În this article we present conclusions supported
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the one included în this article), but comes from the results of extensive, measurable and verifiable research through which we have tried to give a concrete dimension to the participatory culture în România în recent years. The conclusions commented here are part of research conducted by CSCI, the analysis center of our Foundation, and can be publicly verified - including databases on our website, www.infopolitic.ro. The recommendations also come from a large collective experience of a team (the Multimedia Foundation
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only to the consumption of media, the crystallization of a point of view based on a received message and then converting it în an electoral option expressed at first în the polls and then at the voting booth. But there are several ways to participate which must exist în order to support a genuine civic culture, one that contributes to the strengthening of democratic values and institutions. Except that, aș discussed below, other types of non-electoral participation can only be observed
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of the phenomenon. The perpetual unrest în the Romanian public space generates the false impression of an important civic participation, but the study conducted by the Multimedia Foundation shows the opposite - the național profile is rather one of non-participation. Romanians are the type of people that show very little civic, community and political involvement. 8 years after the European integration, Romanian society is still a tradițional one. Romanians rather have survival values, not self-fulfillment or status values. Our civic profile is
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and political involvement. 8 years after the European integration, Romanian society is still a tradițional one. Romanians rather have survival values, not self-fulfillment or status values. Our civic profile is one of non-participation, distinctive from the Western model. Romanian citizens are available for participation and information, the figures of intent are very high, but this intention does not translate to effective participation. We have the speech, but we don't act! That means there is a rift between the social and
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
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society is still a tradițional one. Romanians rather have survival values, not self-fulfillment or status values. Our civic profile is one of non-participation, distinctive from the Western model. Romanian citizens are available for participation and information, the figures of intent are very high, but this intention does not translate to effective participation. We have the speech, but we don't act! That means there is a rift between the social and the political and there is a perpetual confused pattern: new
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but we don't act! That means there is a rift between the social and the political and there is a perpetual confused pattern: new generations do not get involved even though they say they want to participate, because there are no mechanisms to support this intention. What are the four types of participation în România? An important civic culture, aș assessed by classics authors , is defined aș an attribute of a community and implies a high level of citizen involvement
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is a rift between the social and the political and there is a perpetual confused pattern: new generations do not get involved even though they say they want to participate, because there are no mechanisms to support this intention. What are the four types of participation în România? An important civic culture, aș assessed by classics authors , is defined aș an attribute of a community and implies a high level of citizen involvement în the life of the city. Such a
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tolerance towards political pluralism and seeking peaceful resolutions of conflicts; - a high sense of political competence (knowledge of the mechanisms and actors involved în policy decisions); - and mutual trust between citizens and institutions and collaboration within the community. These conditions are necessary, în addition to the economic development of a community. A democratic system is supported not only by a strengthening economy, but above all by an increased civic participation. For România, the accession to European and Euro-Atlantic institutions based on
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we can observe the level of participatory culture în România, through aggregated scores of this culture (measured on a scale of 1-100, where 100 is a maximum / optimum participation). Thus, for each of the four types of participation, the scores are: - Community participation - național score of 35 / 100. More common în the în NE and NW regions of România, with very low scores for younger generations and people without education. - Civic participation - național score of 30/100! More frequent în the
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with very low scores for younger generations and people without education. - Civic participation - național score of 30/100! More frequent în the Centre, Bucharest and SE regions, less present în the South. Education influences participation, șo does age (younger people are more participative). - Electoral participation - național score of 57/100, the only category where the score is higher than average - the highest score of the measurements. Younger generations have lower scores than older ones. - Political participation - național score of 32/100
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her family and shows a high level of trust towards it. At the same time citizens strengthen their place within the walls of their homes and în the safety of blood ties, a total distrust anyone else develops (the figures are incredibly high - above 90% în terms of lack of trust în other people). From compatriots - known or not - to democratic institutions. Of course, there are institutions that people trust - like the Orthodox Church and the Romanian Army - but their place
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and în the safety of blood ties, a total distrust anyone else develops (the figures are incredibly high - above 90% în terms of lack of trust în other people). From compatriots - known or not - to democratic institutions. Of course, there are institutions that people trust - like the Orthodox Church and the Romanian Army - but their place hâș come rather based on tradition and are not necessarily characterized aș democratic institutions. În the previous communist era, the individual took refuge în the
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lack of trust în other people). From compatriots - known or not - to democratic institutions. Of course, there are institutions that people trust - like the Orthodox Church and the Romanian Army - but their place hâș come rather based on tradition and are not necessarily characterized aș democratic institutions. În the previous communist era, the individual took refuge în the family în order to withstand economically, especially from an alimentary point of view, and to be able to share information or considerations regarding
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1989, alongside the transformation crisis the State went through and after the exposure of Romanians to Western ideologies (marked by liberal values), the alternative to the family became the "individual", even în an aggressive manner. Unlike Western societies, where there are four distinct forms of institutions that offer solutions and perspectives for citizens (family, individualism, community, society / state), post-89 România saw only two of these types of institution (family and individual; community and society hâș not developed yet, because of the
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of the lack of a participatory culture)5. The move was from a one party system to political pluralism, from a centralized economy to a market economy, from the unidirecțional propagandă to open multichannel communication. The consequences of these changes are numerous and will not be developed here, but at the level of participation and interest în association the developments are very slow. Aș noted above, the național scores of community participation, civic participation or political participation are somewhat equal, between
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a centralized economy to a market economy, from the unidirecțional propagandă to open multichannel communication. The consequences of these changes are numerous and will not be developed here, but at the level of participation and interest în association the developments are very slow. Aș noted above, the național scores of community participation, civic participation or political participation are somewhat equal, between 30% and 35%, with one exception, namely the național average of electoral participation - up to 57%. Electoral participation is therefore
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
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of these changes are numerous and will not be developed here, but at the level of participation and interest în association the developments are very slow. Aș noted above, the național scores of community participation, civic participation or political participation are somewhat equal, between 30% and 35%, with one exception, namely the național average of electoral participation - up to 57%. Electoral participation is therefore one of the major changes that the Romanian public hâș gone through since 1989. And this is
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Why is the citizen more interested în voting than în capitalizing on the vote results? An explanation comes from the fact that 45% of the population thinks that the election results do not change anything, while 23% believe that elections are more or less rigged. Then why do they even vote? 66% believe voting is a required duty. Although the majority believes that nothing will change, although 85% of citizens believe that authorities disregard the popular point of view and although
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and în the meantime society and its actors have enough time and space required to develop concepts and complex theories encompassing the more subtle forms of reality - and then to achieve the consensus required for decisions through which the solutions are implemented. But if the election campaign never stops, then everything that comes from the political class is inevitably lacking depth! We have talks, but no action - precisely because public discourse is better suited to a society where the only thing
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