2,477,388 matches
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at the voting booth. The election campaign does not reflect a continuation of discussions and of modernization and development projects, but marks a endless repetition of the same themes and the same stereotypes that plague communication. Therefore, every time there are election we see that the teams who govern are generally not assessed for what they have specifically done during their mandate - the evaluation and comparison is based on themes related to communication and media agenda, în a very limited extent
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reflect a continuation of discussions and of modernization and development projects, but marks a endless repetition of the same themes and the same stereotypes that plague communication. Therefore, every time there are election we see that the teams who govern are generally not assessed for what they have specifically done during their mandate - the evaluation and comparison is based on themes related to communication and media agenda, în a very limited extent correlated with the real agenda of the citizens. Another
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no communication campaign dedicated to civic or political association that hâș ever come close în intensity to those that encourage people to vote. And, most certainly, there hâș been no similar effort to explain the functioning of the institutions that are populated through votes or to clarify the real relationship between citizenship rights and these institutions. An explanation of this distinction hâș to do with the source of these types of participation - electoral participation is encouraged (and required) by political parties
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the source of these types of participation - electoral participation is encouraged (and required) by political parties, while the other three types we defined should be desired by civil society! Or, here we see the major failure of civil society. Parties are interested în electoral participation to legitimize their existence and to gain power (the essential function of their existence), and are willing to do anything (including actions that are borderline illegal or beyond) to be effective. And they are! The parties
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types we defined should be desired by civil society! Or, here we see the major failure of civil society. Parties are interested în electoral participation to legitimize their existence and to gain power (the essential function of their existence), and are willing to do anything (including actions that are borderline illegal or beyond) to be effective. And they are! The parties cannot be interested în increasing political participation, because it would create unnecessary competition and would transform parties from exclusive structures
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society! Or, here we see the major failure of civil society. Parties are interested în electoral participation to legitimize their existence and to gain power (the essential function of their existence), and are willing to do anything (including actions that are borderline illegal or beyond) to be effective. And they are! The parties cannot be interested în increasing political participation, because it would create unnecessary competition and would transform parties from exclusive structures to inclusive structures - or, this is what citizens
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
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society. Parties are interested în electoral participation to legitimize their existence and to gain power (the essential function of their existence), and are willing to do anything (including actions that are borderline illegal or beyond) to be effective. And they are! The parties cannot be interested în increasing political participation, because it would create unnecessary competition and would transform parties from exclusive structures to inclusive structures - or, this is what citizens and the civil society want and it is not a
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the FSN aș a continuation of the Communist Party) without generating its own ideology and its own vision of the future. The message was eventually very simple and efficient: FSN (and all the other names it took) is communism, we are anti-FSN, democrats. If you do not want a return of communism, vote for uș! This hâș been the ideology used successfully by the Democratic Convention în the 90s against the Iliescu regime (much more easily perceived aș a continuation of
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Western values în Romanian society and hence the lack of a personal vision on the modernization of Romanian. Without having a clear basis of support, modernization becomes only an element of discourse. And those most able to sustain this discourse are those who dictate în society. "Modernity is not lived aș a culture of experience, founded on the dynamics of economy and on social foresight, but aș a culture of discourse în which the present is based on historical values and
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of the Romanian naționalist discourse). There was no dialogue or consensus regarding a vision of modernization and a strengthening of institutions and social values. Does this sound familiar? Does it resemble post-89 România? Of course, aș long aș the mechanisms are the same - we have discourse (sometimes excessively), but speech is not transformed into action. Conclusions Over time, trust în political parties hâș steadily declined, at about the same pace aș confidence în Parliament. Aș expected, the fundamental institution of democracy
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the fundamental institution of democracy hâș paid the price of the citizen misunderstanding its rules and real stakes. Protected by electoral competition and the routine of participation în elections, parties have managed to gather followers convinced that only political opponents are bad and dangerous. În a society where politics is just about elections, the parties and their candidates are fundamental parts without which the entire scaffolding would collapse. A political debate can take place without any candidate being present, even without
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
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Protected by electoral competition and the routine of participation în elections, parties have managed to gather followers convinced that only political opponents are bad and dangerous. În a society where politics is just about elections, the parties and their candidates are fundamental parts without which the entire scaffolding would collapse. A political debate can take place without any candidate being present, even without having politicians even present (în the case of contemporary news television). An electoral debate would be devoid of
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contemporary news television). An electoral debate would be devoid of substance without candidates and parties. Șo, although the institution that gathers all elected representatives under the same roof collapses every year în terms of confidence and although the party structures are also collapsing, each hâș managed to keep turnout score at over 50% until now, through mechanisms of electoral communication and by organizing to ensure voter participation. Lately, state institutions have begun to investigate the ways în which political structures generate
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what extent the electoral participation score remains constant, taking into account the circumstances în which, predictably, party members will engage much less în the actual campaign, but also în boosting the presence of citizens at the voting booths. Meanwhile, we are left with the reality that, of the many teachings that the new political leadership of Romanian hâș to disseminate to a population that hâș a background of 42 years of communist totalitarianism, the only one that can be considered useful
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formal channel of communication - the Public Television. Subsequently, the advent of private TV stations (mid-90s), then of private news TV stations (2000s) and, finally, the technological revolution brought by the Internet and social networks (during the last 5 years) - all are steps that led to a democratization of communication. 3 Political leaders express this state în autobiographical works - Ion Iliescu în talks with Vladimir Tismăneanu (The grand shock at the end of a short century). Publisher: Encyclopedica, Bucharest, 2004); Ion Diaconescu
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practices used to adapt to life under a totalitarian regime, which excluded participation and community values. 6 Vladimir Paști theorizes this relatively dramatic conclusion for Romanian intellectuals în works such aș "The New Romanian capitalism", Polirom, Iași, 2006. Similar problems are also highlighted by Easter, Miroiu, Codită în "România -Starea de fapt", Volume 1, Nemira Bucharest, 1997. Dragoș Sdrobis talks about the same crisis of "meritocracy", but în the period between WW1 and WW2, în "Meritocracy limits în an agrarian society
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European countries that joined the EU after 2000, România delayed for several years the economic reforms în order to ensure the transition to free market economy. 25 years after the fall of communism, most of the components of free market are not yet entirely developed: the full restitution of private property is not completed; național capital is still underdeveloped and is strongly dependent on Western European capitals; the lack of loyal competition is almost generalised; most of the gross value added
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European capitals; the lack of loyal competition is almost generalised; most of the gross value added derives from the activities of foreign investors and from a weak agricultural production; foreign trade structure is highly vulnerable to external shocks, while exports are less diversified, both aș main branches and orientation to foreign markets; the demographic structure and the low employment rate generate major imbalances în public finances and pensions system. În this context, this paper aims to demonstrate that the transition of
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secolului XXI: liberalizare, finanțare, informatizare și globalizare, fug de sub controlul statului, ce "a rămas teritorial, în vreme ce bogăția a devenit nomada"1. De asemenea, bogăția, dincolo de a se fi deteritorializat, s-a dematerializat și a devenit foarte volatilă. Companiile transnaționale nu au nici o dificultate în a emigra, abandonând vaporul care se scufundă. Ele pot investi propriile capitaluri sau pot delocaliza industriile lor în zonele care le oferă cele mai bune condiții de profit - ca de pildă Sud-Est-ul asiatic sau zona statelor Mercosur
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în tabel, se poate cu ușurință observa că unele companii, care au fost privatizate, au înregistrat inițial o contracție a utilizării forței de muncă, după care, extinderea afacerilor a redresat și chiar depășit numărul de angajați pe care i-au avut inițial (Automobile Dacia cu peste 17 mii angajați în prezent). Valurile succesive de concedieri colective de la sfârșitul anilor '90 a reprezentat cauza principală a crizelor sociale, având în vedere formarea profesională extrem de restrânsă a angajaților disponibilizați și lipsa de soluții
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afacerilor a redresat și chiar depășit numărul de angajați pe care i-au avut inițial (Automobile Dacia cu peste 17 mii angajați în prezent). Valurile succesive de concedieri colective de la sfârșitul anilor '90 a reprezentat cauza principală a crizelor sociale, având în vedere formarea profesională extrem de restrânsă a angajaților disponibilizați și lipsa de soluții furnizate de piața muncii și sistemul național de formare profesională continuă. Este drept că tranziția de la economia planificată la economia liberă a reprezentat o necunoscută chiar și
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an ideal standard of political civilization; 3. Aș a mediation formulă between opposite realities and principles (absolutism - democracy/ constituțional monarchy; centralisation - local autonomy/ federalism etc.). În the first part of the article, I propose a list of English words that are imported în the Romanian language of the 19th century and are puț into circulation by the speeches delivered în the Romanian Parliament. În complementarity with the lexicographic analysis, I will emphasize the fragments where works by Edmund Burke, Benjamin Disraeli
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between opposite realities and principles (absolutism - democracy/ constituțional monarchy; centralisation - local autonomy/ federalism etc.). În the first part of the article, I propose a list of English words that are imported în the Romanian language of the 19th century and are puț into circulation by the speeches delivered în the Romanian Parliament. În complementarity with the lexicographic analysis, I will emphasize the fragments where works by Edmund Burke, Benjamin Disraeli, William Ewart Gladstone, Thomas Babington Macauley, Thomas Hâre, James Stuart Mill
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the speeches delivered în the Romanian Parliament. În complementarity with the lexicographic analysis, I will emphasize the fragments where works by Edmund Burke, Benjamin Disraeli, William Ewart Gladstone, Thomas Babington Macauley, Thomas Hâre, James Stuart Mill, Henry Wheaton and others are mentioned by the Romanian orators, and follow the track of their dissemination through either English originals or Romanian/ French translations. Keywords: political literacy, Romanian oratory, English lexic, Anglo-Saxon cultural model, 19th century. Introducere: către un al treilea model cultural De-
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Prezumția că un al treilea model cultural - modelul cultural englez - mediază între influență franceză "modelatoare" și cea germană "catalizatoare"5 se sprijină pe cercetările unor istorici precum Valeriu Florin Dobrinescu, Dumitru Vitcu, Constantin Ardeleanu sau Paul Cernovodeanu 6, care au avut în vedere o inventariere arhivistica a interacțiunilor economice și diplomatice dintre cele două culturi. Precum dovedește bibliografia de specialitate, o atenție deosebită a fost îndreptată spre relațiile româno-britanice dintre cele două state în jurul celui de-l Doilea Razboi Mondial 7
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