9,674 matches
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excedent în țara lor de origine, noii imigranți nu erau primiți cu entuziasm de nativi, indiferent dacă aceștia din urmă erau asimilați întru totul sau își afișau americanismul ca pe o virtute personală. Așa cum se recunoaște de altfel, „as sincere as some of the Americanizers were, in the end they imposed a standard of immigrant performance that left those who did not conform extremely vulnerable to nativist attacks. In the wake of World War I, anti-foreignism surfaced again in a particularly
[Corola-publishinghouse/Science/1865_a_3190]
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el arăta că „the first migration took place in the last two decades of the nineteenth century and the first two decades of the twentieth century”. „In this period, își continua el expunerea, Romanians coming to America are best discussed as migrant laborers. They are characterized as a phenomenon induced by economic opportunities, on the one hand, and lack there of, on the other hand”. Al doilea val, așa cum au ajuns a fi numite aceste „exoduri” migratorii, a fost, considera același
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took place in the last two decades of the nineteenth century and the first two decades of the twentieth century”. „In this period, își continua el expunerea, Romanians coming to America are best discussed as migrant laborers. They are characterized as a phenomenon induced by economic opportunities, on the one hand, and lack there of, on the other hand”. Al doilea val, așa cum au ajuns a fi numite aceste „exoduri” migratorii, a fost, considera același studios, the political migration period, survenit
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același studios, the political migration period, survenit după al Doilea Război Mondial. „This was a process that has received little attention. Given revolutionary changes occurring in Romania, most people - scria el - arriving in the United States at this time came as a result of political duress. Many were intellectuals, administrators, and politicians involved in various interwar government. Members of the clergy were among them as well”. Un alt motiv al „exploziei” emigrației românești transoceanice ar fi fost, afirmă Samuel Beck, the
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occurring in Romania, most people - scria el - arriving in the United States at this time came as a result of political duress. Many were intellectuals, administrators, and politicians involved in various interwar government. Members of the clergy were among them as well”. Un alt motiv al „exploziei” emigrației românești transoceanice ar fi fost, afirmă Samuel Beck, the family reunification period, explicând că „the third major exodus has occured since 1965 and the emergence of Romania as a developing socialist country. Here
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the clergy were among them as well”. Un alt motiv al „exploziei” emigrației românești transoceanice ar fi fost, afirmă Samuel Beck, the family reunification period, explicând că „the third major exodus has occured since 1965 and the emergence of Romania as a developing socialist country. Here the criteria for immigration are ambiguous and are a mixture of political and economic motives. Ostensibly the reunion of family members initiates the legal process, although political and economic motives may be the actual driving
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fără să «conștientizeze», comunitatea românilor-americani a devenit parte a Lumii Noi și și-a stabilit caracterul pe care îl are și astăzi”. Gerald J. Bobango, în schimb, se arăta convins că „a second large wave of Romanians entered the country as restriction on leaving Romania eased with the end of the First World War”, val ce a continuat până la sfârșitul celui de al Doilea Război Mondial. Fără a respinge ori a eluda punctele de vedere menționate, considerăm că al doilea val
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of the first generation by the 1970s, and the end of unlimited immigration, a recent estimate of some 85,000 ethnic Romanians in the United States and Canada, i.e., those themselves or with parents born abroad, might be fairly valid as of 1978”. Radu Toma concluziona, în 1979, că „it is presently estimated at about 200-230,000 people. This means that one out of every thousand Americans is of Romanian stock”. Așa cum am mai afirmat, interstițiul 1945-1989 a fost, pentru emigrația
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foarte complicată, iar aceste cifre sunt cunoscute, chiar dacă ele suscită încă unele îndoieli ce ar reclama eventuale reajustări. Trebuie să recunoaștem, așa cum releva în 1988 Samuel Beck, că „Romanians started arriving in the United States at about the same time as other southern and eastern Europeans to make their fortunes and return home with affluence. While Romanians have been coming to America since the third quarter of the nineteenth century, they still remain one of the least studied European groups in
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return home with affluence. While Romanians have been coming to America since the third quarter of the nineteenth century, they still remain one of the least studied European groups in America. One reason for this situation is that Romania emerged as a unified state only after 1918, its population and status developing as an aspect of competing empires and, much like the rest of the Balkans, Romania was less critical to capitalist expansion than the colonies created in Africa, Asia, and
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the third quarter of the nineteenth century, they still remain one of the least studied European groups in America. One reason for this situation is that Romania emerged as a unified state only after 1918, its population and status developing as an aspect of competing empires and, much like the rest of the Balkans, Romania was less critical to capitalist expansion than the colonies created in Africa, Asia, and South Africa. Romania lacked Anglo-American social scientific notoriety due to the perplexing
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less critical to capitalist expansion than the colonies created in Africa, Asia, and South Africa. Romania lacked Anglo-American social scientific notoriety due to the perplexing complexities of its society and to the confusion to which this leads. «Balkanism» has served as an explanation for what happened in Romania in the past, much as «communism» or «totalitarism» serves to explain what happends there in the present. Relatively few Romanians live in the United States, 300,000 according to some estimates. Furthermore, unlike
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and South Africa. Romania lacked Anglo-American social scientific notoriety due to the perplexing complexities of its society and to the confusion to which this leads. «Balkanism» has served as an explanation for what happened in Romania in the past, much as «communism» or «totalitarism» serves to explain what happends there in the present. Relatively few Romanians live in the United States, 300,000 according to some estimates. Furthermore, unlike the Hungarians, Czechs, Poles, or Yugoslavs, Romanians have not rebelled against their
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explain what happends there in the present. Relatively few Romanians live in the United States, 300,000 according to some estimates. Furthermore, unlike the Hungarians, Czechs, Poles, or Yugoslavs, Romanians have not rebelled against their leadership to such an extent as to generate an influx of unsympathetic, anti-communist refugees and exiles. A community of exile intellectuals, if it can be said to exist, is only presently in formation. Few Romanian Americans have developed scholarly directions in the study of their fellow
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Americans have developed scholarly directions in the study of their fellow compatriots, and have brought their work into public circulation. Finally, Romania has not been of such strategic importance to America to merit the study of its peoples and cultures as a high priority. In summary, lack of interest and the apparent absence of intellectually interesting question has generated little interest in studying Romania and even less in Romanian Americans. As a result, much work needs to be carried out to
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America to merit the study of its peoples and cultures as a high priority. In summary, lack of interest and the apparent absence of intellectually interesting question has generated little interest in studying Romania and even less in Romanian Americans. As a result, much work needs to be carried out to uncover the past and recover the experience of yet living people and their memories”. Suntem siguri că mulți studioși români nu vor împărtăși întru totul aceste observații. Nici românii americani
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amintim că un practician ilustru al realismului politic, Henry Kissinger (care, de altfel, a vizitat și el România în 1974), rostea la un moment dat o frază antologică, reluând formula lui Margaret Thatcher: „Human rights? There is no such thing as human rights!” (Drepturile omului? Nu există așa ceva!). Experiența arată că, într-adevăr, administrațiile americane nu se jenaseră să colaboreze cu regimuri dictatoriale, dacă interesele geopolitice o cereau... Incapabil să anticipeze sau să observe, o dată faptul petrecut, „umanizarea” Uniunii Sovietice și
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atestare a soluției propuse de Churchill, la 31 mai 1944. De fapt, cu două săptămâni mai devreme, sovieticii o discutaseră cu Eden, arătând o prudentă rezervă: „We therefore suggested to the Soviet Ambassador here that we should agree between ourselves as a practical matter that the Soviet Government would take the lead in Roumanian affairs, while we would take the lead in Greek affairs, each government giving the other help in the respective countries. Such an arrangement would be a natural
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lui Mihajlovic în Iugoslavia. Răspunsul lui Roosevelt a fost cât se poate de limpede și el este tot atât de caracteristic și pentru politica următorilor președinți americani: „my active interest at the present time in the Balkan area is that such steps as are practicable should be taken to insure against the Balkans getting us into a future international war”. Cu alte cuvinte, pentru Statele Unite, în aceeași măsură ca pentru Marea Britanie, problema era cum să obțină de la Stalin respectarea acordurilor între Aliați fără
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Philosophy, Washington DC, 2002. La fel de utilă este și seria cărților lui Cristian Preda, `ntre care se numără Modernitatea politică și românismul, Editura Nemira, București, 1998, și Occidentul nostru, Editura Nemira, București, 1999; și Bogdan Murgescu (ed.), Romania and Europe: Modernization as Temptation, Modernization as Threat, Editura Allfa, București, 2000. Pentru o trecere `n revistă a dezvoltării culturii românești `n secolele XIX-XX și a literaturii relevante, vezi Paul E. Michelson, „Romanian Perspectives on Romanian National Development”, Balkanistica, vol. 7 (1981-1982), pp. 92-120
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2002. La fel de utilă este și seria cărților lui Cristian Preda, `ntre care se numără Modernitatea politică și românismul, Editura Nemira, București, 1998, și Occidentul nostru, Editura Nemira, București, 1999; și Bogdan Murgescu (ed.), Romania and Europe: Modernization as Temptation, Modernization as Threat, Editura Allfa, București, 2000. Pentru o trecere `n revistă a dezvoltării culturii românești `n secolele XIX-XX și a literaturii relevante, vezi Paul E. Michelson, „Romanian Perspectives on Romanian National Development”, Balkanistica, vol. 7 (1981-1982), pp. 92-120. 82 Vezi ediția
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Gress, Plato to NATO, 1998, p. 510. 106 Henry L. Roberts, „Eastern Europe and the Historian”, `n lucrarea sa Eastern Europe: Politics, Revolution, and Diplomacy, Alfred A. Knopf, New York, 1970, p. 4. 107 Cf. Robert King, Minorities under Communism. Nationalities as a Source of Tension among balkan Communist States, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, 1973, p. 171. 108 Hugh Seton-Watson, The „Sick Heart” of Europe: The Problem of the Danubian Lands, University of Washington Press, Seattle, 1975, p. 70. Despre mitificarea și
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facets. The term may also refer in both popular and professional usage to a written account of past events. From the historical viewpoint - that is, from the standpoint of the history of historical thinking itself - history may be generally defined as a tradition of learning and writing, dating from ancient times, based on traditional inquiry into the factual nature of the human past”. Vezi Harry Ritter, Dictionary of Concepts in History, Greenwood Press, New York, Westport, Connecticut, London, 1986, p. 193. Ibidem
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Iași, 1996; Klaus Beer, „Die Interdependenz von Geschihtwissenschaft und Politik in Rumanien von 1945 bis 1980. Die Historiographie uber Zeitraum von 1918 bis 1945”, Jahrbuch für Geschichte Osteuropas, t. 32, 1984, nr. 2, pp. 241-274; Michael Rura, Reinterpretation of history as a method of furthering communism in Romania. A study in comparative historigraphy, Washington DC, 1961; Dionisie Ghermani, Die Kommunistische Umdeutung der rumanische Geschichte unter besonderer Berucksichtigung des Mittelalters, München, 1967; Hugo Weczerka, „Litteraturbericht uber die Geschichte Rumaniens (bis 1945) Veroffentlichungen
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NKVD lui Beria (dar și lui Stalin și Molotov) la 24 martie 1945, `n Misiunile lui A.I. V`șinski `n România, ed. cit., p. 160 (document de la GARF, fond 9401, op. 2, dos. 94, ff. 154-158). Cristian Troncotă, Eugen Cristescu. Asul serviciilor secrete românești. Memorii, mărturii, documente, prefață de Dan Zamfirescu, Editura R.A.I., Editura Roza V`nturilor, București, 1994, p. 90. ANIC, fond „CC al PCR-Cancelarie”, dos. 161/1945, f. 2. ASRI, fond „D”, dos. 7494, ff. 161 (f.), 181
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