2,477,388 matches
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șo interlinked that their național security problems cannot reasonably be analysed or resolved apart from one another"10. În 2003 this definition was revised "regional security complex is a set of units whose major processes of securitization, desecuritisation or both are șo interlinked that their security problems cannot reasonably be analysed or resolved apart from one another"11. How to analyse the Regional Security Complex? În order to analyse EaP from regional security complex perspective, it will be used the theory
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of this level, the analysis should focus on relationships among states of the region and also if there is security interdependence among them; 3. Region's interaction with neighbouring regions - at this level it is necessary to analyse if there are relationships between the region taken în consideration and other regions which are neighbouring. However, "is supposed to be relatively limited aș the interaction internally defines the complex"13. 4. The role of global powers în the region - în the case
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the region and also if there is security interdependence among them; 3. Region's interaction with neighbouring regions - at this level it is necessary to analyse if there are relationships between the region taken în consideration and other regions which are neighbouring. However, "is supposed to be relatively limited aș the interaction internally defines the complex"13. 4. The role of global powers în the region - în the case to this level în is necessary to analyse "the interplay between the
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Russia în its European drive aș aș n the case of Crimea în Ukraine. At the state to state relations level, Moldova hâș good relations with all EaP countries. However, Ukrainian - Moldovan relations can be perceived sometimes aș troublesome. There are some unresolved issues between Ukraine and Moldova: "the demarcation of the state border and a number of property issues, ranging from resorts to a hydroelectric station"19. Because of these unresolved issues, a lot of misunderstandings continue to loom the
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a new government coalition. The prime - minister was Mykola Azarov from Party of Regions and Victor Yanukovich - the President of Ukraine - which hâd the strongest influence on the government's work and also a huge power over the decisions which are passed at the level of Presidential Administration 22. Yanukovich hâș always declared that European integration is his priority. However, Ukrainian president, proved reduced enthusiasm în the European orientation. This fact was obvious în November, 2013 when Yanukovich refused to sign
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that the Orange Revolution will have some influence on the situation în Belarus, and for several reasons. Firstly, the Ukrainian events of 2004, similarly aș the 2003 Revolution of Roses în Georgia, proved that democratic transformations în the CIS area are possible. Aș a result, Belarus, until recently perceived to be one of the many authoritarian or semi-authoritarian post-Soviet states, today is viewed by the United States and the European Union more aș a challenge. Western states may decide that since
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aș a challenge. Western states may decide that since the democrats were successful în Ukraine, the opposition în Belarus should be supported by even greater involvement"23. However, the bilateral relations not suffered too much, "because both Ukraine and Belarus are increasingly aware of the importance of the mutual relations (...) It can be assumed that similarly aș over the last fourteen years, when the two states have tried not to emphasize the differences between them regarding foreign policy, they will now
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join EU. The population is also divided equally în those who prefer the European option and those who would like the integration în Customs Union. At the domestic level Belarus is the most authoritarian regime and because of this there are a lot of vulnerabilities în Belarusian society: "lack of freedoms of association, assembly, and expression, and the right to fair trial; government harassment of human rights defenders, independent media, and defence lawyers continues, including through arbitrary bans on foreign travel
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political, economic and security related bond. More sor, Belarus took part at the creation of Customs Union which is a regional integration project initiated by Russian Federation that tries to copy EaP inițiative. Armenia The EU and its shared value are very popular among Armenians; however the Armenian political elite showed reluctance regard to the issue of European integration 27. Armenia is located between Azerbaijan and Turkey and it considered aș an isolated country. Its motivation to join EaP was related
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to Customs Union 28. At the domestic level, Armenia hâș huge problems with political corruption, being the biggest vulnerability. More șo, this phenomenon "permeating all levels of society: the public administration, particularly the judiciary, the police and the health sector, are especially vulnerable to corruption. This situation is echoed by Armenia's poor performance în most areas assessed by governance indicators"29. The biggest threat of Armenia is Nagorno-Karabach frozen conflict which represent a serious challenge to the security, stability, and
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hâș always been the ally of Armenia, but în fact this fact caused "a politically, economically and militarily dependence on Russia, which over the years hâș assumed control of Armenia's key economic sectors"31. Relationship between Georgia and Armenia are good. However, because of "Georgia's tense relations with Russia, Armenia cannot take the Georgian route for granted, aș was shown during the 2008 Russian-Georgian war, when Armenia was subject to a communications blockade"32. Azerbaijan like Belarus is an
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EU it was convenient to have Azerbaijan aș partner because of the energetic stakes: Azerbaijan remains a key energy resource partner for EU. At the domestic level, Azerbaijan does not want to enable democratizing reform. The big vulnerabilities of Azerbaijan are the lack of the independence of judicial system and also the high level of corruption which "continues to be the main obstacle to development of entrepreneurship and economic diversification în Azerbaijan"33. Another vulnerability is poverty because of "the uneven
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a security complex. 1. Boundary. Indeed the Eastern Partnership countries differentiate from its neighbours by their European aspirations. Theoretically, it should be șo. However, according to the Index of European Integration 43 for Eastern Partnership countries, Azerbaijan, Belarus and Armenia are not frontrunners with EU membership aspirations. More șo, Armenia recently announced that it wants to join a Russia-led Customs Union and Belarus will be for sure member of Custom Union together with Kazakhstan. Șo, which is the difference between Kazakhstan
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which is the difference between Kazakhstan which is not member of Eastern Partnership and Belarus or Armenia? Apparently, no one. Also, the boundary for Eastern Partnership doesn't represent an advantage aș far aș Eastern countries - Ukraine, Belarus and Moldova - are geographically separated by Southern Caucasus countries - Georgia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan. I can argue that it is no any boundary that encompasses all EaP countries aș far aș no instituțional (taking în account that Armenia and Belarus want to join Customs
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of disintegration, merger on conquest that could affect the polarity inside region. However, according to the Index of European Integration mentioned above, Moldova is the best performer în terms of democratization and convergence with EU policies; which means that there are some differential growth rateș among EaP related with reform and democratic modernization. Notwithstanding, the Moldovan achievement doesn't make it to be more powerful and to change the distribution of power în EaP region. 4. Last variable is social construction
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Azerbaijan related with the frozen conflict în Nagorno Karabah or Moldova and Ukraine related with the conflict în Transnistria. Briefly, I will show why Armenia and Azerbaijan form a regional security complex build upon enmity. Since 1990 Armenia and Azerbaijan are în an on-going over Nagorno Karabakh which is considered a frozen conflict. Applying the variables of RSCT, we can see that Armenia and Azerbaijan hâș the same boundary, being neighbours, they share the geopolitical aspiration to annex Nagorno Karabach territory
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constitution was proclaimed Moldavian Soviet Socialist Republic în the USSR. Although Transnistria does not identify with the complex history of ethnic Ukrainians, currently about one third of Transnistrian population declared Ukrainian. However, following the policies pursued în the USSR, these are largely russified Ukrainians. The Ukrainian ethnic factor plays a substanțial role în the internal realities of the region. The memory of Ukrainian society that keeps memory of Transnistria was "Ukrainian land". Moldovan officials consider that Ukraine intentionally don't want
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Partnership states don't represent a coherent group. Moreover, the analysis above proved that Eastern Partnership don't form a regional security complex. No variable could indicate that this region is a security complex. However inside of Eastern Partnership there are two regional security complexes: (1) Armenia and Azerbaijan regarding Nagorno - Karabach and (2) Republic of Moldova and Ukraine regarding Transnistrian conflict. Both of them are built upon enmity and it is related with a frozen conflict. It is necessary to
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could indicate that this region is a security complex. However inside of Eastern Partnership there are two regional security complexes: (1) Armenia and Azerbaijan regarding Nagorno - Karabach and (2) Republic of Moldova and Ukraine regarding Transnistrian conflict. Both of them are built upon enmity and it is related with a frozen conflict. It is necessary to mention that EU is reluctant to involve totally în conflict resolution în the region. Armenia, Azerbaijan and Moldova have many expectations from EU în the
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privește pe apărătorii drepturilor omului, pe jurnaliștii care, de asemenea, se află, în virtutea meseriei lor, în diferite zone expuse conflictelor, violențelor, care sunt martori la violente, agresiuni, situații traumatizante de toate genurile și care privesc oameni aflați în situații traumatizante. Având toate aceste aspecte în vedere, ar fi de remarcat, în opinia noastră, să se consacre, la nivel internațional (eventual sub egida ONU, printr-o rezoluție AG.ONU sau printr-o declarație a statelor membre ONU, alături de recunoașterea dreptului omului de
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mod concret nivelul de protecție a drepturilor omului cu provocările și stilul de viata postmodern, o Carta a protecției drepturilor omului metropolitan (trăitor în marile aglomerații urbane) față de situațiile și condițiile generatoare de stres specific stilului de viață metropolitan. Aici, avem în vedere configurația specifică a metropolelor atât din Nordul dezvoltat, cât și din Sudul subdezvoltat, dar și diferențele de nivel de trai și, în consecință, ai parametrilor de stres, dintre cartierele sărace -confruntate cu un nivel de stres ridicat, datorită
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în diferite situații generatoare de conflicte de stradă între periferie și forțele de ordine etc.). Această Carta ar realiza o enumerare a drepturilor omului pe baza exclusiv, a calității sale specifice de "om trăitor în mari aglomerații urbane" (metropole, megalopolisuri), având în vedere fenomenul de universalizare al urbanizării 16, ca fenomen specific al epocii globalizării, la începutul secolului XXI. Calitatea de "om trăitor în mari aglomerații urbane" ar trebui, în opinia noastră, luată în considerare cu mare atenție de juriștii secolului
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separate de natură"18. De asemenea, printre drepturile omului urban ar trebui înscrise și dreptul la muncă, la odihnă, la timp liber, specific adaptate, ca nivel de protecție juridică, față de condițiile vieții omului metropolitan al sec. XXI, unde legislatorul să aibă în vedere posibilitățile reduse de divertisment și condițiile de muncă ale omului urban în raport cu condiția să de ființă intrinseca legată de natură și cu posibilitățile reale, existente ale orașelor de a răspunde acestei nevoi fundamentale, direct conectată la beneficiul real
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statele secolului XXI vor fi nevoite să le adopte cu privire la protecția mediului înconjurător (pe baza legăturii directe dintre securitatea umană și securitatea mediului), față de avântul noilor tehnologii (în special, al noilor forme de războaie, cum ar fi războaiele meteorologice, economice, având un impact negativ direct asupra calității mediului înconjurător și asupra distribuției resurselor planetei), se vor număra și politicile și măsurile adoptate pentru gestionarea stresului negativ excesiv apărut asupra ființelor umane ca urmare a acestor confruntări ne-convenționale (războaiele meteorologice, războaiele
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dezvoltare și la dreptul omului la un mediu sănătos și curat, precum și de dreptul omului la pace și securitate -drepturi de solidaritate din categoria a III-a care nu vizează doar momentul prezent ci își proiectează o dimensiune în viitor, având un conținut juridic ce presupune o acțiune nu doar continuă ci mai ales, una de asigurareîn viitor a unui mediu global pașnic, sigur, capabil să satisfacă nevoile fundamentale umane la nivel global, etic și echitabil pentru toți, a unui mediu
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