9,681 matches
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assessing the adoption and further development or the contestation of Durkheim’s ideas by specialists in the fields mentioned above during the post-WWI years. a) We thus find a detailed analysis of Durkheim’s critique of introspective psychology as well as of his development of the hypotheses of collective representations and conscience collective or of the social mediation that allows the evolution toward concepts, categories and reasoning; of his ethnology inspired distinction between mechanical solidarity (based on a rigorous process of
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social structures like the Australian, Kabyle or Iroquois clans) and organic solidarity (that implies differences between relatively free individuals) and theories of the genetical and morphological classification and evolution of social forms from simple to complex, of the (conjugal) family as gradually evolving from political groups (and not the opposite, as had been sustained by the traditional thesis that explained the appearance of the city starting from the family), of totemism as the hypothetical basis of both religion and science. In
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organic solidarity (that implies differences between relatively free individuals) and theories of the genetical and morphological classification and evolution of social forms from simple to complex, of the (conjugal) family as gradually evolving from political groups (and not the opposite, as had been sustained by the traditional thesis that explained the appearance of the city starting from the family), of totemism as the hypothetical basis of both religion and science. In the domain of social morphology (and rural sociology), Durkheim’s
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forms from simple to complex, of the (conjugal) family as gradually evolving from political groups (and not the opposite, as had been sustained by the traditional thesis that explained the appearance of the city starting from the family), of totemism as the hypothetical basis of both religion and science. In the domain of social morphology (and rural sociology), Durkheim’s hypothesis of the division of labor being dependent upon social density and representing a solution adoucie to the struggle for life
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the direction of G. Dumas, the Traité de Psychologie (in particular on Gustave Belot, M. Paulhan, Ch. Blondel), on Maurice Halbwachs’ Les Cadres sociaux de la mémoire, on Albert Bayet’s, Halbwachs’ and Max Bonnafous’ studies on suicide; on socio-ethnologists such as Abel Rey; Gilbert Murray and Harrison (La formation de la pensée grecque) and especially on Maurice Granet’s La pensée chinoise, or Marcel Mauss and Hubert in their studies of sacrifice and magic. The opposite case, in which ethnologists brought institutions
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fact that the opposition between Tarde’s theory of imitation and Durkheim’s theory of synthesis could be attenuated and that, likewise, the opposition between Bergson’s primacy of inner life and Durkheim’s insistence on social life was not as absolute as it had been thought to be: “Bergson nous invite à briser la glace des concepts d’origine sociale, pour retrouver le courant de la vie intérieure. Il n’en reste pas moins qu’en assignant à l’intelligence la
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the opposition between Tarde’s theory of imitation and Durkheim’s theory of synthesis could be attenuated and that, likewise, the opposition between Bergson’s primacy of inner life and Durkheim’s insistence on social life was not as absolute as it had been thought to be: “Bergson nous invite à briser la glace des concepts d’origine sociale, pour retrouver le courant de la vie intérieure. Il n’en reste pas moins qu’en assignant à l’intelligence la fonction, non
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veut comprendre quelque chose à l’orientation et au développement de l’intelligence humaine, il importe de s’en représenter les tenants et aboutissants sociaux (Bouglé, 1938, 29)”. 3. While the laboratory of the Gustian School was represented by Romania as a whole and by the European trends of the moment, the Durkheimian équipe focused on a hugely extended “primitive corpus” gathered in the colonies, brought to the attention of the general public by the Exposition coloniale and the Musée Trocadéro
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national destiny, was modernized, during the 19th century, by intensely borrowing from French. The Romanian revolutionaries of 1848 were in strong contact with those of France. During the 19th and the first half of the 20th century, various groups, such as the absentee Romanian landowners living from rents, Romanian intellectuals, or Romanian politicians, mostly originary from the south-eastern part of the country, used to spend a considerable part of their lives in Paris. Among them, especially during the 19th century, francophilia
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19th century, francophilia manifested at times the naïve exaggeration and the excessive imitation that made it (under the name of franțuzism) the subject of literary, theatrical and journalistic satire in Romania. Romanian writers writing in French and living in France as well as Romanian artists, philosophers or scientists were numerous in the 20th century. One can think of Tristan Tzara, Marthe Bibesco, Anna de Noailles, later on of Emile Cioran, Eugène Ionesco, Constantin Brăiloiu, Brâncuși, Lupasco etc. Even during the communist
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francophilia manifested at times the naïve exaggeration and the excessive imitation that made it (under the name of franțuzism) the subject of literary, theatrical and journalistic satire in Romania. Romanian writers writing in French and living in France as well as Romanian artists, philosophers or scientists were numerous in the 20th century. One can think of Tristan Tzara, Marthe Bibesco, Anna de Noailles, later on of Emile Cioran, Eugène Ionesco, Constantin Brăiloiu, Brâncuși, Lupasco etc. Even during the communist regime, with
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and French continued to be widely taught in schools and universities. “I couldn’t exist without French books” used to say, during the sixties and seventies, the prestigious linguist A. Rosetti, even though Romanians did no more proclaim themselves francophile as before. While we still define francophilia as love of things French, there are in the use of the term intimations of free preference for the culture of a magnificent other, neglect of one’s own culture and therefore excess, cultural
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in schools and universities. “I couldn’t exist without French books” used to say, during the sixties and seventies, the prestigious linguist A. Rosetti, even though Romanians did no more proclaim themselves francophile as before. While we still define francophilia as love of things French, there are in the use of the term intimations of free preference for the culture of a magnificent other, neglect of one’s own culture and therefore excess, cultural passivity from behalf of a dominated culture
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1930s, Mircea Eliade would voice what I propose to call a dépit francophile (coined after dépit amoureux) in an essay where he spoke of the fact that, despite selling 10% of its book production in Romania, France did not serve as the mediating cultural agent in Europe that it could have been with relative ease. By continuing to opt for an exclusive translation club that was limited to French, English, German, Italian, Spanish and Russian, Eliade would say, by not encouraging
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Bucharest, obtained doctoral degrees or simply studied in the United States. The main reason behind these choices was, however, not francophile, germanophile or americanophile, but professional, since French, German and American sociologies were all widely acclaimed in the inter-war period. As far as France was concerned, let me mention that Dimitrie Gusti had strong relations of cooperation with colleagues such as Marcel Mauss, Célestin Bouglé, Jean Marx, to mention just a few, and was often invited to give lectures in Paris
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doctoral degrees or simply studied in the United States. The main reason behind these choices was, however, not francophile, germanophile or americanophile, but professional, since French, German and American sociologies were all widely acclaimed in the inter-war period. As far as France was concerned, let me mention that Dimitrie Gusti had strong relations of cooperation with colleagues such as Marcel Mauss, Célestin Bouglé, Jean Marx, to mention just a few, and was often invited to give lectures in Paris. On the
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francophile, germanophile or americanophile, but professional, since French, German and American sociologies were all widely acclaimed in the inter-war period. As far as France was concerned, let me mention that Dimitrie Gusti had strong relations of cooperation with colleagues such as Marcel Mauss, Célestin Bouglé, Jean Marx, to mention just a few, and was often invited to give lectures in Paris. On the other hand, in Bucharest, the French Institute directed by Alphonse Dupront was most active and efficient. Due to
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because they valued French sociology and only secondarily because they knew French, were familiar with French culture and could, in fact, live in Paris without feeling complete strangers. What is more, Romanian sociology was itself internationally recognized. Gusti’s work as well as his “monographic” research teams were well known to French, English and American specialists. “Monographic” research Gusti-style was emulated in Hungary, Bulgaria, Germany, while American, Hungarian and German students joined the Romanian interdisciplinary teams in the field in order
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valued French sociology and only secondarily because they knew French, were familiar with French culture and could, in fact, live in Paris without feeling complete strangers. What is more, Romanian sociology was itself internationally recognized. Gusti’s work as well as his “monographic” research teams were well known to French, English and American specialists. “Monographic” research Gusti-style was emulated in Hungary, Bulgaria, Germany, while American, Hungarian and German students joined the Romanian interdisciplinary teams in the field in order to get
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Romanian sociologists went therefore to study in France without cultural apprehensions and actually enjoyed a special status and treatment that were due to the prestige acquired by their Professor and the “monographic” research of the Bucharest School. Furthermore they functioned as desirable experts with respect to both Gusti’s and their own sociological work. Individual Choices and Common Reactions Since all of them had worked in the “Spiritual manifestations” subteam during the monographic campaigns at Runcu, Drăguș or Cornova, the French
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Cristescu and Ionică normally focused on ethnology. Ștefania Cristescu took Bouglé’s courses at the Sorbonne, those of Marcel Mauss and Jean Marx at the Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes, or of Mauss and Rivet at the Institute of Ethnology, as well as Sjoestedt’s “Celtic Mythology” course. Since she was also interested in linguistics (being a former student of the brilliant Romanian linguist Ovid Densusianu), Cristescu studied Celtic languages and general linguistics with Vendryès at the Ecole Normale Supérieure, dialectology
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Ionică normally focused on ethnology. Ștefania Cristescu took Bouglé’s courses at the Sorbonne, those of Marcel Mauss and Jean Marx at the Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes, or of Mauss and Rivet at the Institute of Ethnology, as well as Sjoestedt’s “Celtic Mythology” course. Since she was also interested in linguistics (being a former student of the brilliant Romanian linguist Ovid Densusianu), Cristescu studied Celtic languages and general linguistics with Vendryès at the Ecole Normale Supérieure, dialectology with Oscar
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a former student of the brilliant Romanian linguist Ovid Densusianu), Cristescu studied Celtic languages and general linguistics with Vendryès at the Ecole Normale Supérieure, dialectology with Oscar Bloch, and took a linguistic course with Marcel Cohen. We are less informed as to the details of Bernea and Ionică’s course choices: they both seem to have taken courses taught by Fauconnet and Mauss. In two letters addressed to A. Golopenția, who was then in Germany with a Rockefeller grant, Ștefania Cristescu
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Germany with a Rockefeller grant, Ștefania Cristescu stressed the efficient and collegial openness with which she was welcomed by the top French sociologists in Paris, who immediately included her in their activities. Thus, for example, she recounts in a letter, as soon as she arrived in Paris for her first year of study, she was invited to spend an evening with all of them in order to get to a basic understanding of the possibilities of work and study that were
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a Rockefeller grant, Ștefania Cristescu stressed the efficient and collegial openness with which she was welcomed by the top French sociologists in Paris, who immediately included her in their activities. Thus, for example, she recounts in a letter, as soon as she arrived in Paris for her first year of study, she was invited to spend an evening with all of them in order to get to a basic understanding of the possibilities of work and study that were available at
[Corola-publishinghouse/Science/2158_a_3483]