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1914-1951, traducere de Mircea Flonta și Adrian-Paul Iliescu, Editura Humanitas, București, 1995. WITTGENSTEIN, Ludwig, Tractatus logico-philosophicus, traducere de Mircea Dumitru și Mircea Flonta, Editura Humanitas, București, 2001. RELAȚII INTERNAȚIONALE ȘI STUDII EUROPENE An empirical application of regional security complex theory on eastern partnership region Ludmila STUPARU Abstract. Eastern Partnership (EaP) is a very dynamic region. If a year ago the EaP was seen aș an authentic and vibrant "laboratory" of democracy building, overcoming the remains of the totalitarian state and putting
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vibrant "laboratory" of democracy building, overcoming the remains of the totalitarian state and putting the basis of a free and pluralist society, nowadays the Eastern Partnership is seen aș an "out-dated" approach of the EU. However, Eastern Partnership is visible on European political arena and the big powers (UȘA, Russia and the EU) pay attention more and more to the evolution of EaP countries. Moreover, it seems to be a confrontation between Russia and Western powers regarding the political and geopolitical
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of EaP countries. Moreover, it seems to be a confrontation between Russia and Western powers regarding the political and geopolitical orientation of EaP countries. Kremlin tries actively to stop the efforts of the EaP to close to the EU and on the other side, the EU aș well aș the UȘA encourage EaP countries to implement reforms în order to build their democracy. This paper aims to analyse the Eastern Partnership în terms of security complex, trying to argue that Eastern
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of democracy and economic reforms în the EU eastern neighbourhood"2. The idea of the formation of Eastern Partnership hâș two motivations. For one hand, the Eastern countries and Southern Caucasus seek to strengthen their relations with European Union and on another hand EU hâș the interest în seeking stability, good governance and economic development at its Eastern borders. Which was the interest that stayed at the base of the creating Eastern Partnership? It was clear for EU states that Russia
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decided to wage a war with Georgia în order to bring down the Georgian President and to change the balance of power 3 and end Georgia's chances to NATO. To achieve its goal, Russia decided strategically to puț control on Ossetia and Abkhazia, using these territories for broader defence objectives în the South Caucasus. By creating the Eastern Partnership the EU offered opportunities for positive engagement of the region 4. Moreover, the EU undertook the responsibility to give all necessary
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By creating the Eastern Partnership the EU offered opportunities for positive engagement of the region 4. Moreover, the EU undertook the responsibility to give all necessary assistance with the reforms în a large number of sectors. În the Joint Declaration on the EaP which was signed în Prague on May 7, 2009, it is stipulated that Eastern Partnership hâș two dimensions bilateral and multilateral. If the bilateral dimension hâș launched from the beginning, but the instruments available within the multilateral dimension
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opportunities for positive engagement of the region 4. Moreover, the EU undertook the responsibility to give all necessary assistance with the reforms în a large number of sectors. În the Joint Declaration on the EaP which was signed în Prague on May 7, 2009, it is stipulated that Eastern Partnership hâș two dimensions bilateral and multilateral. If the bilateral dimension hâș launched from the beginning, but the instruments available within the multilateral dimension are new for the region. The two main
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stipulated that Eastern Partnership hâș two dimensions bilateral and multilateral. If the bilateral dimension hâș launched from the beginning, but the instruments available within the multilateral dimension are new for the region. The two main instruments of the Eastern Partnership on the bilateral level of cooperation are the Association Agenda and Association Agreement. The Association Agenda, "an instrument meant to replace the Action Plan, was signed with all the Eastern Partnership countries (except Belarus). The Association Agenda will prepare for and
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an instrument meant to replace the Action Plan, was signed with all the Eastern Partnership countries (except Belarus). The Association Agenda will prepare for and facilitate the entry into force of the Association Agreement"5. The Association Agreement is based on ownership, responsibility and objective monitoring of the results, however it is non-legally-binding. Being non-legally-binding, the achievement of all EU benchmarks doesn't mean that the Eastern enlargement is possible. Instruments for multilateral cooperation are a novelty for the region. The
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the four thematic platforms, namely (1) democracy, good governance and stability; (2) economic integration and convergence with the EU sectorial policies, (3) energy security, and (4) contact between people 6. However, the multilateral cooperation hâș few accomplishments. The only successes on this dimension are "the multiple meetings and conferences, establishment of the new institutions, and since recently - high engagement of other region actors into the successful implementation of the Eastern Partnership"7. Theoretical Approach What is Regional Security Complex? The theory
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theory of Barry Buzan, namely those four levels of analysis 12: 1. Domestic level - at this level it is necessary to analyse the internal situation în the states of the region, their domestic vulnerabilities and strengths and also their effects on stability and security. 2. State - to - state relations - în the case of this level, the analysis should focus on relationships among states of the region and also if there is security interdependence among them; 3. Region's interaction with neighbouring
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necessary to analyse the internal situation în the states of the region, their domestic vulnerabilities and strengths and also their effects on stability and security. 2. State - to - state relations - în the case of this level, the analysis should focus on relationships among states of the region and also if there is security interdependence among them; 3. Region's interaction with neighbouring regions - at this level it is necessary to analyse if there are relationships between the region taken în consideration
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what no expert tried to analyse this region în terms of regional security complex. Aș a matter of fact, nobody hâș tried thinking at Eastern Partnership aș a regional security complex. That is why this chapter proposes to apply RSCT on each EaP country. În the following, it will be merged the domestic level and state to state relation, having în mind also their option to be part of EaP. After this, it will be analysed separately the other two levels
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began to take shape în 1994 with the signing of the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement with the EU. The next steps of Moldova towards the EU were the signing of the Action Plan în 2005 and în 2008 an agreement on the liberalization of the visa regime came into force. However, until 2009 the European integration was limited to mere gestures and did not contribute to a genuine integration of Moldova with the EU because of the communist rule. After the
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of the new Association Agreement (ĂĂ) which includes deep and comprehensive free trade area were launched and they finalized în June, 2013. Republic of Moldova succeeded to inițial the ĂĂ and the DCFTA at the Vilnius Summit which took place on 28 - 29 November 2013 and to sign it on 27 June 2014. The DCFTA represents a huge success, offering to Moldova a framework for modernizing its trade relations and economic development by the opening of markets via the progressive removal
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and comprehensive free trade area were launched and they finalized în June, 2013. Republic of Moldova succeeded to inițial the ĂĂ and the DCFTA at the Vilnius Summit which took place on 28 - 29 November 2013 and to sign it on 27 June 2014. The DCFTA represents a huge success, offering to Moldova a framework for modernizing its trade relations and economic development by the opening of markets via the progressive removal of customs tariffs and quotas, and by an extensive
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that Tymoshenko's file is pure political one21. În March 2010, it was formed a new government coalition. The prime - minister was Mykola Azarov from Party of Regions and Victor Yanukovich - the President of Ukraine - which hâd the strongest influence on the government's work and also a huge power over the decisions which are passed at the level of Presidential Administration 22. Yanukovich hâș always declared that European integration is his priority. However, Ukrainian president, proved reduced enthusiasm în the
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hâd great relations with Belarus till Orange Revolution. Belarus being an authoritarian state wasn't agree with the democratic motivations of Ukraine în fear to not escalating în its disfavour: it seems that the Orange Revolution will have some influence on the situation în Belarus, and for several reasons. Firstly, the Ukrainian events of 2004, similarly aș the 2003 Revolution of Roses în Georgia, proved that democratic transformations în the CIS area are possible. Aș a result, Belarus, until recently perceived
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this there are a lot of vulnerabilities în Belarusian society: "lack of freedoms of association, assembly, and expression, and the right to fair trial; government harassment of human rights defenders, independent media, and defence lawyers continues, including through arbitrary bans on foreign travel"26. At the state to state relation level, Belarus is quite isolated and don't have developed relations with other EaP countries. The main political partner of Belarus is Russia and both of them have close political, economic
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quasi-statelet of Nagorno-Karabach30. This conflict remains to be a frozen one and there is likely to escalate at any time. Russia hâș always been the ally of Armenia, but în fact this fact caused "a politically, economically and militarily dependence on Russia, which over the years hâș assumed control of Armenia's key economic sectors"31. Relationship between Georgia and Armenia are good. However, because of "Georgia's tense relations with Russia, Armenia cannot take the Georgian route for granted, aș
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like Belarus is an authoritarian EaP country and it is not interested în further economic and political integration with EU. Its motivation to join EaP is related with the improvement of the relations with EU and also with energy issues. On the other hand, for EU it was convenient to have Azerbaijan aș partner because of the energetic stakes: Azerbaijan remains a key energy resource partner for EU. At the domestic level, Azerbaijan does not want to enable democratizing reform. The
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Karabakh. Azerbaijan hâș traditionally good relation with a non Eastern Partnership country - Turkey. Lately, the good relation with Turkey hâș somewhat weakened recently, aș "Turkey tried to improve its relations with Armenia, increased co-operation with Russia, and could not agree on transit prices for Azerbaijan's natural resources"35. Georgia accepted to join EaP being interested în the involvement of the EU în conflict resolution în the Caucasus, but also în visa liberalization and the establishments of a free trade with
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global powers în the region, EU, UȘA and Russia hâș involved în the evolution of the Eastern Partnership. EU and UȘA have special development assistance to Eastern Partnership countries awarded annually due to different aid programs (e.g. USAID, Europe Aid). On another hand, Russia involves în this region with the intention to decline the European aspirations through pressures. For example, Russia imposed the embargo for Moldovan wines 39 and a large number of Moldovan immigrants have been expelled ouț of Russian
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multipolar"44. However în the case of Eastern Partnership we can refer just to non-polarity because no EaP state dominates any other countries from the region. Moreover, în the EaP region didn't take place any kind of disintegration, merger on conquest that could affect the polarity inside region. However, according to the Index of European Integration mentioned above, Moldova is the best performer în terms of democratization and convergence with EU policies; which means that there are some differential growth
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achievement doesn't make it to be more powerful and to change the distribution of power în EaP region. 4. Last variable is social construction which covers the patterns of amity or enmity among the Eastern Partnership countries. EaP countries, on the one hand, don't share any common culture (even if they were members of Soviet Union, their identity and culture remained intact) or regional cooperation and on the other hand, the Eastern Partnership countries have not been affected by
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