1,287 matches
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of Henry Robert Stewart Castlereagh, one of the most bitter foes of the French emperor, hâș set aș immediate objective "to free Europe", the main element being the creation of a great Coalition against France, where the leaders would be Great Britain and Russia. Sweden and, preferably, Denmark were invited to join the presumptive coalition, being expected that they would facilitate the contacts between the two great powers. Aș the Norway problem constituted an insurmountable problem between the two Scandinavian states
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being the creation of a great Coalition against France, where the leaders would be Great Britain and Russia. Sweden and, preferably, Denmark were invited to join the presumptive coalition, being expected that they would facilitate the contacts between the two great powers. Aș the Norway problem constituted an insurmountable problem between the two Scandinavian states, Castlereagh understood that he hâd to choose only one of them for the great anti-French alliance. The political and military events that occurred during the confrontation
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coalition, being expected that they would facilitate the contacts between the two great powers. Aș the Norway problem constituted an insurmountable problem between the two Scandinavian states, Castlereagh understood that he hâd to choose only one of them for the great anti-French alliance. The political and military events that occurred during the confrontation with the Napoleonian France solved this dilemma, and, on the 3rd of March 1813 an alliance treaty was signed with Sweden, treaty that comprised the British promise that
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is known, by the decisions made at the Congress of Vienna. Taking part, with two exceptions the fourth and sixth Coalitions în all the wars made by European states against France, from the beginning, în February 1802 to the last great battles, în the first part of year 1814, Austria didn't find the time to be actively present în the events în Northern Europe or to take part to the Eastern Question, în the last case by comparison with the
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collaboration with France, but the rapports with this state did not go the way the Prussians wished. Besides, the political situation în the Central and Northern Europe did not unite the Prussian interests here with those of the other two Great Powers, France and Russia. This is the reason why these two states hâd no scruples to decide în a matter more than sensitive for Prussia not only without its knowledge and participation, but, more than that, to the detriment of
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second partition of Poland, established by the agreement made with Russia, on January 23rd, 1793, leading to the occurrence of a new community of Russian-Prussian interests în North-Eastern Europe. This new situation was also influenced by the obvious interests that Great Britain hâd în Russia. Both of them hâd direct implications on the Eastern Question, and both of them contributed to the consolidation of Russia on its positions în the European orient. În the described context Russia could enable sending a
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expanded and consolidated. Still, Sweden continued to refuse the Ottoman request to adhere to the antiFrench coalition, aș well aș it declined the same invitation made by Russia. King Gustav Adolph IV preferred the neutrality, especially that the relation with Great Britain, one of the most important members of the Coalition, was tensed, aș a result of the British ignoring of the Swedish commercial interests. Sweden did not change its attitude towards the Coalition after signing with Russia the Convention at
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and France. The Ottoman indisposition resided în the fact that the Swedish participation în a Russian initiated coalition raised doubts relative to the Swedish attachment for the European interests of the Porte. În the summer of 1805, Russia, Austria and Great Britain formed the Third Coalition against France, joined by Sweden during the same year, another reason for this country to pay even more attention to the political evolution în Oriental Europe. În this new political context, re-emerged the Swedish diplomatical
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Tilsit, on the 7th of July 1807, offered this possibility. At the same time, through this treaty, Russia renounced de facto to participate to the Coalition against France, taking part în the continental blockade instead. Aș Sweden was allied with Great Britain, the two Tilsit partners requested it to leave also the Coalition and join the blockade. But Sweden refused to do șo; therefore Denmark and Russia respected the Tilsit stipulations and declared war on Sweden. Aș it is known, Sweden
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în 1793. Afterwards, the ones at Vienna, în 1794, Berlin, în 1795, and Paris, în 1796 were established. Still, the foreign policy of the Porte continued to be the prerogative of the sultan, of the Reis effendi and of the great dragoman, through direct parley with the credited diplomatic representatives of the European great powers, and not only, at Istanbul. Among the Empire's foreign policy priorities, în the form they were postulated în January 1793 by Mehmed Rashid effendi, Reis
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Paris, în 1796 were established. Still, the foreign policy of the Porte continued to be the prerogative of the sultan, of the Reis effendi and of the great dragoman, through direct parley with the credited diplomatic representatives of the European great powers, and not only, at Istanbul. Among the Empire's foreign policy priorities, în the form they were postulated în January 1793 by Mehmed Rashid effendi, Reis effendi, were the desired relations with Sweden, Russia, Great Britain, France, Spain and
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France, hâd the most important place în this future alliance system, în which the Ottoman Empire puț its trust, because it was, în the Turkish vision, its natural ally. The second power that received the hopes of the Porte was Great Britain. The rapprochement of this great European power was determined by the political situation evolution, with the internal disturbances în France, its exhaustion, which raised questions about its future, the Russian and Prussian aggression on Poland, concluded with its division
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Therefore, the attitude towards Russia was one of the major directions în the European policy of the Porte. This is the reason why a continuous interest for the changes în the relations between this country and the other powers, mainly Great Britain, Prussia and Sweden existed în Istanbul. The purpose was, obviously, to exploit any moment that could strenghten its security towards the Russian menace. The increased attention given to these rapports can be explained, therefore, through the supposition that any
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a new chapter în the history of the Eastern Question, on the whole, and particularly în the history of the juridical regime of the Straits. Aș Napoleon Bonaparte continued the military operations în Egypt, aș well aș the incitements of Great Britain and Russia determined the Porte to declare war to France, on the 2nd of September 1798. After this, the diplomatic negotiations with Russia for alliance against France was accelerated. Aș the Ottomans feared that the future collaboration with Russia
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suplimentară a obiectivelor părților (prin deducerea intențiilor din comportamentul prevăzut pe bază teoretică). Cealaltă posibilitate ar fi includerea motivațiilor ofensive și defensive într-o singură teorie, care să explice când ar trebui să triumfe fiecare dintre orientări. The Tragedy of Great Power Politics (2001) a lui Mearsheimer poate fi citită ca o încercare de a explica de ce, când și în ce mod au prioritate motivațiile ofensive în comportamentul marilor puteri. Proces, instituții și schimbare Conceptualizarea explicită a motivațiilor statelor este doar
Teorii Ale Relațiilor Internaționale by Scott Burchill, Richard Devetak, Jacqui True [Corola-publishinghouse/Science/1081_a_2589]
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între bunăstarea celor care împărtășesc aceeași colectivitate cu ei și bunăstarea umanității" (Tucker 1977:139-40). Mulți se folosesc de limbajul tragediei, de exemplu, în titluri precum Truth and Tragedy (Adevăr și tragedie), Thompson și Meyers 1977) și The Tragedy of Great Power Politics (Tragedia politicii de forță) (Mearsheimer 2001). Niebuhr (1932) deplânge diminuarea severă a sentimentelor și resurselor noastre morale în viața socială în general și în politica internațională în special. Carr merge și mai departe, pretinzând că "imposibilitatea de a
Teorii Ale Relațiilor Internaționale by Scott Burchill, Richard Devetak, Jacqui True [Corola-publishinghouse/Science/1081_a_2589]
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Teorii Ale Relațiilor Internaționale by Scott Burchill, Richard Devetak, Jacqui True [Corola-publishinghouse/Science/1081_a_2589]
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Teorii Ale Relațiilor Internaționale by Scott Burchill, Richard Devetak, Jacqui True [Corola-publishinghouse/Science/1081_a_2589]
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Mearsheimer, J. (1990) ""Back to the Future": Instability in Europe after the Cold War", International Security, 15 (1). (1994/5) "The False Promise of International Institutions", International Security, 19. (1995) "A Realist Reply", International Security, 20. (2001) The Tragedy of Great Power Politics (New York). Mearsheimer, J. și Walt, S. M. (2002) Can Saddam Be Contained? History Says Yes, Belfer Centre for Science and International Affairs, Harvard University (Massachusetts). Merchant, C., (1980) The Death of Nature: Women, Ecology and the Scientific Revolution (San
Teorii Ale Relațiilor Internaționale by Scott Burchill, Richard Devetak, Jacqui True [Corola-publishinghouse/Science/1081_a_2589]
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How Ideas Shaped Modern International Relations (Princeton). Pietila, H. și Vickers, J. (1996) Making Women Matter: The Role of the United Nations, ediția a III-a (London). Pogge, T. (2002) World Poverty and Human Rights (Cambridge). Polanyi, K. (1944) The Great Transformation (Boston). (1968) "Our Obsolete Market Mentality", în G. Dalton (ed.), Primitive, Archaic and Modern Economies (New York). Porritt, J. (1986) Seeing Green (Oxford). Porter, G. și Brown, J.W. (1991) Global Environmental Politics (Boulder). Porter, M. și Judd, E. (ed.
Teorii Ale Relațiilor Internaționale by Scott Burchill, Richard Devetak, Jacqui True [Corola-publishinghouse/Science/1081_a_2589]
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Back In", International Security, 19. (1997) "New Realist Research on Alliances: Refining, not Refuting, Waltz's Balancing Proposition", Americam Political Science Review, 91. (1998) Deadly Imbalances: Tripolarity and Hitler's Strategy of World Conquest (New York). (1999) "Managing the Rise of Great Powers: History and Theory", în A.I. Jonston și R.S.Ross (ed.) Engaging China: The Management of an Emerging Power (London). Schweller, R.L. și Priess, D. (1997) "A Tale of Two Realisms: Expanding the Institutions Debate", Mershon International Studies Review, 41
Teorii Ale Relațiilor Internaționale by Scott Burchill, Richard Devetak, Jacqui True [Corola-publishinghouse/Science/1081_a_2589]
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Teorii Ale Relațiilor Internaționale by Scott Burchill, Richard Devetak, Jacqui True [Corola-publishinghouse/Science/1081_a_2589]
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Violența în școală: provocare mondială? by Éric Debarbieux () [Corola-publishinghouse/Science/1097_a_2605]
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an exact delimitation and differentiation of the concepts used in the analysis and naming of the divination phenomena. c) There is a quite high number of popularization works which express in a commercial doubtful way, sometimes quite eclectic and syncretistic, great confusions among different aspects of the magic and divination practice. Actually, many of these papers bring about a great deal of disservices to the image of the divination practices and to their scientific study. d) "The mediocre literature" together with
Socioantropologia fenomenelor divinatorii by Cristina Gavriluţă () [Corola-publishinghouse/Science/1065_a_2573]