1,635 matches
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Symbolic violence: discourse and social representations during the 2014 prezidențial campaign) Mirabela AMARANDEI Abstract. Societies work on relations of power and domination, the political practices and even groups involved în politics are generating violence. Romanian public space was gradually taken over by symbolic violence, ăn act of power between the political elites and the dominated classes. The symbolic violence expresses its fullest potențial during the election campaigns. The speech and the political events during the presidential election campaign în 2014 were
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caracterizate de ONU ca fiind "o lume globală urbană". Note 1 The present article represents only the personal opinion of the author and it does not involve în any form any other natural person or legal entity. All the rights over the present text are reserved. The quotations from the present text are made by mentioning the author and the complete source. 2 United Nation Millenium Declaration, UN GA resolution 55/28 September 2000, www.un.org/millenium/declaration/ares552e.htm
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religious education etc), makes at the same time a kind of evaluation of the past and the future of the community în the context of post-communist freedoms. Unlike the "optimistic" message of the Old Testament în which Moses looks back "over a century of history" and prophesies the spiritual rebirth of the nation of Israel în the Promised Land, Ernu's book seems to transmit a counter message: "The Promised Land" was în the past and seems to be hopelessly lost
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is PhD în philosophy and political sciences. Professor at "Dimitrie Cantemir" University of Bucharest and manager of "Elie Wiesel" The Național Institute for Study of Holocaust în România. Author of 5 books and editor of 2 books. Also author of over 50 studies on present-day subjects such aș reception of Holocaust în România, modernising and political transition în Estern and Central Europe. Marius OPREA is a Romanian historian (specializing în recent history and archaeological expert), poet and essayist. He studied history
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Association of Political Consultants (EAPC) since 2001. Member of the Writers Union of România since 2004;. Starting în 2004, President of the Pro Institute, specializing în political analysis and surveys;. Author and co-author of more than ten books, hâș published over 1.500 press articles and hâș taken part în over 750 radio and television broadcasts. Bogdan Teodorescu is constantly under the public and media spotlight. He hâș been a permanent guest în important TV shows on național coverage channels such
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Writers Union of România since 2004;. Starting în 2004, President of the Pro Institute, specializing în political analysis and surveys;. Author and co-author of more than ten books, hâș published over 1.500 press articles and hâș taken part în over 750 radio and television broadcasts. Bogdan Teodorescu is constantly under the public and media spotlight. He hâș been a permanent guest în important TV shows on național coverage channels such aș "Antenă" and "Realitatea TV" and hâș been interviewed on
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2004. Stan, Lavinia, Turcescu, Lucian, "Religie, partide și alegeri în România postcomunistă", Sfera politicii, nr. 123-124, 2006. Controlul exercitat de serviciile secrete din România asupra politicii și presei - metatemă a alegerilor prezidențiale din 2014 [The Control of the Secret Services Over Politics and Media - Metatheme of the Presidential Election în 2014] Luminița KOHALMI Abstract: The last Romanian presidential elections have been marked - more than în any other post-communist electoral races - by the public debate regarding the control of the secret services
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Politics and Media - Metatheme of the Presidential Election în 2014] Luminița KOHALMI Abstract: The last Romanian presidential elections have been marked - more than în any other post-communist electoral races - by the public debate regarding the control of the secret services over politics and media. This research is focused on the presidential elections în 2014 and aims to analyze the subsequent items of this theme, its media impact, and its effect on the confidence that Romanians have în intelligence organizations, politics and
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brave new world of the social media Every time a new technological tool of mass communication was discovered the scientists behind the discovery did not have de capacity of making it available for the general public. Generally they turned it over to state institutions or to private corporations. Those were inevitably the two important actors that stood between the scientist and the public. This is the thesis of Tim Wu who takes this simple observation and documents it with historical dată
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almost inquisitorial battles against "the failed generation of his father" placing the blame for all the problems România faces on the shoulders of the people born 60 years ago. The article was debated live on television. B1TV hosted a debate over this article. A viral joke was also launched during the presidential campaign that sums up the antidemocratic messages: "Is someone în your family voting for Ponta? Be a hero and hide his or her identity card"26. This type of
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non-state actors which cannot be neglected anymore în the XXIst century global society. We'll also analyze other juridical concepts aș eco-development, sustainable development, with some short observations regarding a global environmental law. The third section will present some considerations over the perspective of introducing "the rights of the nature", within the XXIst century internațional law, where environment would be a distinct subject of internațional law, nearby states and internațional organizations, enjoying a special range of distinct rights. The fourth section
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exploit, living or non-living, to cultural goods or all of the above, together). A comprehensive definition, în which the human being is no longer considered a being with unlimited, absolute property rights - în the sense of lack of related responsibilities - over nature; instead, the human being is a being în close and permanent relation with nature, from which the human being cannot withdraw without threatening his/her very existence and civilization, is also de definition given by the Council Directive EC
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the non-occidental regions of the globe 39), during the rise of these industrial civilizations. Only at the beginning of the XXIst century, the materialist model, based on irrational exploitation of nature by the human being, self-considered master with unlimited rights over nature, which he/she is free to use aș he/she pleases, abusing the power (în the fever of progress, these indus- trialized or developing societies mistook ruling for destroying nature 40), begins to be questioned by increasingly more voices
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the human being, în relation to nature, dominating the XIXth and XXth century and which is only currently questioned, starts from the conception of the human property right (of the state, of the corporation, of the people, of the collectivity) over nature, aș an absolute, sacred, intangible, inviolable and indefeasible right, regarding any item "natural or manufactured, alive or dead, tangible or intangible". Aș shown în the doctrine, the dissemination of the flawed conception of the French Civil Code and the
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view to alienate, buy and use the natural resources, to use them freely, until the point of polluting it, modifying nature, irrationally exploit the planet's resources, down to the point of draining them. Thus, the human right to property over nature is converted în an absolute right to rule over nature, until the point of freely destroying the unique elements of nature and of modifying natural habitats, în the name of accumulating profit, of conquering new consumption markets. Only at
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use them freely, until the point of polluting it, modifying nature, irrationally exploit the planet's resources, down to the point of draining them. Thus, the human right to property over nature is converted în an absolute right to rule over nature, until the point of freely destroying the unique elements of nature and of modifying natural habitats, în the name of accumulating profit, of conquering new consumption markets. Only at the end of the XIXth century, following the threats against
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the state or corporation, aș representatives of collective, public or private interests) above nature, a position of command and control, without developing environmental ethics, a set of moral values and legal-political responsibilities, to limit this position of command and control over nature, hâș led to the development of a systematic abusive actions, severely harmful for the nature, for centuries. Currently, în order to repair a situation of global injustice and severe damaging of nature, the jurists proposed a series of environmental
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being, în relation to nature, with the former dominating the latter throughout the XIXth and XXth century, being only now brought into discussion, starts from the perception of the human property right (the state, the corporation, the people, the community) over nature, aș an absolute, sacred, intangible, inviolable and indefeasible right, regarding any item "natural or manufactured, alive or dead, tangible or intangible". Aș shown în the doctrine, the dissemination of the flawed conception of the French Civil Code and the
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Political Science and Internațional Relations "Ion I.C. Brătianu" of The Romanian Academy. Published books: Political Power and Public Goods, The Romanian Academy, ISPRI Publishing, Bucharest, 2009; Theories of Modern Society, The Romanian Academy, ISPRI Publishing, 2005. He hâș published also over 40 scientific articles and over 20 chapters în collective volumes. Areas of interest: modern and contemporary political philosophy, public choice, constituțional political economy. Marian POPA is a counselor within the Romanian Senate European Department. He studied at the Circle Internațional
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Ion I.C. Brătianu" of The Romanian Academy. Published books: Political Power and Public Goods, The Romanian Academy, ISPRI Publishing, Bucharest, 2009; Theories of Modern Society, The Romanian Academy, ISPRI Publishing, 2005. He hâș published also over 40 scientific articles and over 20 chapters în collective volumes. Areas of interest: modern and contemporary political philosophy, public choice, constituțional political economy. Marian POPA is a counselor within the Romanian Senate European Department. He studied at the Circle Internațional Court Program at the Național
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situation or explicitly choose not to get involved. Daniel Barbu shows that such an obsession with putting "speech" before "action" hâș existed în România even since the interwar period (if not sooner), when the elites saw modernization aș having "power over words"7. The theory of forms without substance is well known în România - it refers, în our case, to the acquisition of democratic institutions without them having a support în the realities of Romanian society, while hoping that în time
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and a strengthening of institutions and social values. Does this sound familiar? Does it resemble post-89 România? Of course, aș long aș the mechanisms are the same - we have discourse (sometimes excessively), but speech is not transformed into action. Conclusions Over time, trust în political parties hâș steadily declined, at about the same pace aș confidence în Parliament. Aș expected, the fundamental institution of democracy hâș paid the price of the citizen misunderstanding its rules and real stakes. Protected by electoral
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without candidates and parties. Șo, although the institution that gathers all elected representatives under the same roof collapses every year în terms of confidence and although the party structures are also collapsing, each hâș managed to keep turnout score at over 50% until now, through mechanisms of electoral communication and by organizing to ensure voter participation. Lately, state institutions have begun to investigate the ways în which political structures generate turnout. Starting with the "Quality Trophy" case and arriving at the
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officials. Religious words, expressions and themes were actually most often included în the censorship's catalogues. The overall radiography of the process of Dostoevsky's reception during the communist period, we can note two distinct trends: the Marxist perspective, dominant over time, excepting the last two decades, and when only few studies were published. A second perspective, a more theoretical or technical, focused on various literary or psychological themes which much less ideological, such aș the studies of Valeriu Cristea 25
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seeking stability, good governance and economic development at its Eastern borders. Which was the interest that stayed at the base of the creating Eastern Partnership? It was clear for EU states that Russia tried to increase its sphere of influence over Eastern countries which have EU aspirations. All the six Eastern Partnership countries were soviet republics. Kremlin hâș always wanted to control the domestic affairs, foreign and the economy of these former soviet states. Once these countries made public their EU
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