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burden for the Federal Republic of Germany. One of the foremost tasks is to teach the German language to these human beings în order to enable them to express their needs, aș requested by the European reference frame for languages, but also to help them to understand their new cultural environment. Using a case study this article examines whether role-plays are suited to support individuals who are often traumatized by war în finding a new identity while learning the new language
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participatory culture Bogdan TEODORESCU Dan SULTĂNESCU Abstract. For România, the 90's have been the decade of transition to a democratic political system (with everything it implies: more parties, free elections, the separation of powers, rights and political freedoms etc.). But hâș taking this instituțional model also lead to acquiring the underlying values that support it? How far hâș România come on the road to a participative democracy, to a society that hâș a strong civic culture, aș defined by classical
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post-revolutionary public space? We knew, from research, that this democratic system was desirable (there is no need to enumerate the many research papers, în particular Euro-barometer surveys, which referred to Romanians' support for democracy, rule of law and economic freedom). But beyond the rhetoric, which was and is, în fact, the real situation? If we take the statements into account, Romanians are participative, want political pluralism and many parties and want support elements of liberal democracy - but do they take advantage
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law and economic freedom). But beyond the rhetoric, which was and is, în fact, the real situation? If we take the statements into account, Romanians are participative, want political pluralism and many parties and want support elements of liberal democracy - but do they take advantage of these rights? Are they active citizens, organized în a dynamic civil society? Do they engage with public decisions and policies even after the election period? Are we a society where politics matter only în election
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of the relationships generated by electoral moments. This perspective is not only a result of the explanatory view that the authors go by (which is worth more than a limited scientific approach, such aș the one included în this article), but comes from the results of extensive, measurable and verifiable research through which we have tried to give a concrete dimension to the participatory culture în România în recent years. The conclusions commented here are part of research conducted by CSCI
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years. Where did we start? The first steps of democratic participation... The political class that gained access to power after the 1989 Revolution hâș been challenged since its appearance by a core group of protesters, minor în terms of numbers, but loud and very visible, which from the beginning assumed an anticommunist vocation reclaimed either from the historical parties reborn after decades of prohibition, or from younger generations who feel they have not been contaminated by the Soviet ideology 1. Meanwhile
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the beginning of democracy knew how politics worked from the time of the Central Committee; they also knew what buttons to push, which reports to read and what were the uses of the different colored phones left în the offices. But none of them knew how is it to be insulted by a columnist that you can't "touch" or how it feels like to be booed by thousands of people gathered outside the ministry, knowing that there is no way
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often reduced only to the consumption of media, the crystallization of a point of view based on a received message and then converting it în an electoral option expressed at first în the polls and then at the voting booth. But there are several ways to participate which must exist în order to support a genuine civic culture, one that contributes to the strengthening of democratic values and institutions. Except that, aș discussed below, other types of non-electoral participation can only
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non-participation (aș în the past, such features have an extremely high rate of inerția). The emergence of Facebook and social networks (the technological revolution of the last decade) în which the carrier of information is no longer directly the media, but the subjective media consumer (including the possibility to participate directly în the construction of the message and to interact directly), but also of other components of online communication complement the panoramă of the phenomenon. The perpetual unrest în the Romanian
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the technological revolution of the last decade) în which the carrier of information is no longer directly the media, but the subjective media consumer (including the possibility to participate directly în the construction of the message and to interact directly), but also of other components of online communication complement the panoramă of the phenomenon. The perpetual unrest în the Romanian public space generates the false impression of an important civic participation, but the study conducted by the Multimedia Foundation shows the
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the construction of the message and to interact directly), but also of other components of online communication complement the panoramă of the phenomenon. The perpetual unrest în the Romanian public space generates the false impression of an important civic participation, but the study conducted by the Multimedia Foundation shows the opposite - the național profile is rather one of non-participation. Romanians are the type of people that show very little civic, community and political involvement. 8 years after the European integration, Romanian
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a tradițional one. Romanians rather have survival values, not self-fulfillment or status values. Our civic profile is one of non-participation, distinctive from the Western model. Romanian citizens are available for participation and information, the figures of intent are very high, but this intention does not translate to effective participation. We have the speech, but we don't act! That means there is a rift between the social and the political and there is a perpetual confused pattern: new generations do not
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Our civic profile is one of non-participation, distinctive from the Western model. Romanian citizens are available for participation and information, the figures of intent are very high, but this intention does not translate to effective participation. We have the speech, but we don't act! That means there is a rift between the social and the political and there is a perpetual confused pattern: new generations do not get involved even though they say they want to participate, because there are
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involved în policy decisions); - and mutual trust between citizens and institutions and collaboration within the community. These conditions are necessary, în addition to the economic development of a community. A democratic system is supported not only by a strengthening economy, but above all by an increased civic participation. For România, the accession to European and Euro-Atlantic institutions based on democratic values is not a sufficient condition for strengthening its civic culture - it is a prerequisite, such aș another useful condition related
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an increased civic participation. For România, the accession to European and Euro-Atlantic institutions based on democratic values is not a sufficient condition for strengthening its civic culture - it is a prerequisite, such aș another useful condition related to economic development. But for a naturalization of democratic values an increased civic participation is required. În sociological research coordinated by the Infopoliticteam (2011-2013), we defined four different types of participation în public life, according to two criteria - on the one hand, the distinction
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prone to involvement în the community, is caring and helps relatives or neighbors, often discussed local projects with friends, is willing to get involved în local activities. - Electoral participation - it is easy to understand (it refers not only to turnout, but also to participation în elections by running for office or involvement în the campaign). A person with a high degree of electoral participation hâș confidence în the electoral process, is knowledgeable about candidates and programs, knows the rules of the
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the figures are incredibly high - above 90% în terms of lack of trust în other people). From compatriots - known or not - to democratic institutions. Of course, there are institutions that people trust - like the Orthodox Church and the Romanian Army - but their place hâș come rather based on tradition and are not necessarily characterized aș democratic institutions. În the previous communist era, the individual took refuge în the family în order to withstand economically, especially from an alimentary point of view
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forms of community (state or non-state). Associativity hâș long remained low and the State hâș failed to play a role that society sees aș important (în the communism era, the prevalent role of the State was accepted due totalitarian mechanisms, but this acceptance was only partly internalized). After 1989, alongside the transformation crisis the State went through and after the exposure of Romanians to Western ideologies (marked by liberal values), the alternative to the family became the "individual", even în an
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The move was from a one party system to political pluralism, from a centralized economy to a market economy, from the unidirecțional propagandă to open multichannel communication. The consequences of these changes are numerous and will not be developed here, but at the level of participation and interest în association the developments are very slow. Aș noted above, the național scores of community participation, civic participation or political participation are somewhat equal, between 30% and 35%, with one exception, namely the
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and better knows electoral bids than ideological offers and positions. Simply puț, the Romanian citizen who is more interested în who reaches an office than what he later does în that position! The citizen takes part în the voting process, but not în politics. And, besides these moments of effective participation, the interaction with social life is done by "simulating participation", achieved through media channels (especially TV for 20 years and the internet during the last 5 years). Moreover, there is
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means to influence decisions taken at național level - during the last 25 years the vote hâș carried a multitude of meanings, șo no matter how disappointed the Romanian population is în the democratic process, it does not abandon this ritual. But this is not by chance ... obsessed by image and consumed by a constant electoral struggle, parties and their leaders have aggressively instilled the need of rallying to the vote. The failure of the trade union movement, the apparent isolation of
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the meantime society and its actors have enough time and space required to develop concepts and complex theories encompassing the more subtle forms of reality - and then to achieve the consensus required for decisions through which the solutions are implemented. But if the election campaign never stops, then everything that comes from the political class is inevitably lacking depth! We have talks, but no action - precisely because public discourse is better suited to a society where the only thing that works
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forms of reality - and then to achieve the consensus required for decisions through which the solutions are implemented. But if the election campaign never stops, then everything that comes from the political class is inevitably lacking depth! We have talks, but no action - precisely because public discourse is better suited to a society where the only thing that works is electoral participation. Action should work în a society with functioning mechanisms that generate solutions and the consensus needed to implement these
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to defeat him/her along with his/her supporters. This perpetual battle generates social tension that inevitably will be discharged at the voting booth. The election campaign does not reflect a continuation of discussions and of modernization and development projects, but marks a endless repetition of the same themes and the same stereotypes that plague communication. Therefore, every time there are election we see that the teams who govern are generally not assessed for what they have specifically done during their
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how you live now)... The examples could go on. We should recall that prizes have been repeatedly awarded to those who have voted, by accepting people on the basis of their stamped voting bulletin at parties, concerts and raffles. Also, but this time outside the law, there have been different types of "prizes" awarded that have created certain electoral practices characterized by vote buying either with money or with certain types of products. În România there hâș been almost an obsession
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