3,149 matches
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offerto dalla complessa dialettica che ruota attorno alla presenza, linguistica e ideologică, del Moro nella letteratura umanistico-rinascimentale: în quanto lessema, caratterizzato da una connaturata polisemia 18, che giustifica a sua volta la varietà di incarnazioni narrative della corrispondente figură, dal moro 'barbaro e crudele' a quello 'nobile e magnanimo', în particolare nella novellistica 4-500esca, în cui ad accenti di rifiuto e di paura și alternă una prospettiva più favorevole e aperta nei suoi confronti, com'è stato messo în rilievo da
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
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e di paura și alternă una prospettiva più favorevole e aperta nei suoi confronti, com'è stato messo în rilievo da una ormai solidă tradizione di studi critici sul tema19. Și proverà qui a verificarlo analizzando la celebre storia del 'moro di Venezia'; mă non nella versione del celeberrimo play shakespeariano, a cui corre subito îl pensiero, bensì în quella del suo 'prototesto' italiano, la settima novella della Deca III degli Ecatommiti di Giovan Battista Giraldi Cinzio, raccolta pubblicata nel 1565
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come Disdemona și fosse innamorata di lui "tratta non da appetito donnesco, mă dalla virtù" sua, smentendo così lo stereotipo del richiamo sessuale esercitato dai 'mori' sulle donne europee 25. E altrettanto neutrale appare nel riportare un'esclamazione rivolta dal moro alla moglie, all'apice della felicità coniugale: "Iddio ci conservi lungamente în questa amorevolezza"; în cui è evidente îl proposito di evitare di marcare di quale 'Dio' și tratti (quello dei cristiani o quello dei musulmani?), cauterizzando così la differenza
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
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îl Moro, fino a quel momento, ne fosse rimasto almeno ai suoi occhi lontano 28. A restarne imbrigliato è în realtà îl Moro stesso, proprio nell' inverare îl luogo comune dell' iracondia 'moresca': "A queste parole più irato rispose îl moro" (ivi). Mă la vera svolta cade nel punto în cui l'Alfieri, come argomento decisivo per far esplodere la gelosia del Capitano, insinua che Disdemona lo avesse tradito perché le era "venuta a noia questa vostra nerezza" (23): perché stâncă
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
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È così che da questo punto în poi îl Moro sembra arrendersi, aderendovi, a tutti i tratti del cliché di differenza 'fabbricato', per dirla ancoră con Bourdieu, intorno a lui: nel convincersi che la moglie lo avesse trattato davvero da 'moro' (e cioè che la sua fosse în realtà un'infatuazione passeggera, în ciò conforme allo stereotipo dell' "appetito donnesco" verso la fisicità esotica dei mori); nell'abbandonarsi a quell'iracondia che și dice tipică dei mori; e ancoră, e forse
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
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și dice tipică dei mori; e ancoră, e forse soprattutto, nel dare stoltamente credito alle insinuazioni dell'Alfieri, conformandosi în tal modo all'ingenuità moresca. Più che aderire alla nozione di identità stereotipa 'esterna' à la Sartre, îl caso del moro giraldiano è dunque più vicino, se și vuole restare nei paraggi dell'esistenzialismo francese, all'idea resa da un'altrettanto celebre frase di Simone de Beauvoir, che esplica la potente influenza degli stereotipi sull'edificazione della stessa identità 'internă' (în
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the literature of the communist countries using aș a case-study the work and the interviews of the most famous albanian writer of XX century Ismail Kadare. Kadare tries to move the conflict center between him and his detractors on the - more convenient for him - ground of comparison between the real and the secondo class literature, calling him ouț of the discussion about him and his work în terms of dissent.The article argues that the role of the self-censorship hâș been
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Republic of România. Arguments about the need for an analysis regarding the Romanian participatory culture Bogdan TEODORESCU Dan SULTĂNESCU Abstract. For România, the 90's have been the decade of transition to a democratic political system (with everything it implies: more parties, free elections, the separation of powers, rights and political freedoms etc.). But hâș taking this instituțional model also lead to acquiring the underlying values that support it? How far hâș România come on the road to a participative democracy
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else, România is a country dominated by an obsession with public image - it is important, because it is a decisive element în the only confrontation that can generate strong public participation - electoral participation. The post `89 history of România is more than a history of political and economic relationships - it is a history of the relationships generated by electoral moments. This perspective is not only a result of the explanatory view that the authors go by (which is worth more than
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
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is more than a history of political and economic relationships - it is a history of the relationships generated by electoral moments. This perspective is not only a result of the explanatory view that the authors go by (which is worth more than a limited scientific approach, such aș the one included în this article), but comes from the results of extensive, measurable and verifiable research through which we have tried to give a concrete dimension to the participatory culture în România
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vocation reclaimed either from the historical parties reborn after decades of prohibition, or from younger generations who feel they have not been contaminated by the Soviet ideology 1. Meanwhile, the political opposition that was then born also hâd its challengers, more consistent în terms of numbers, who discovered links with the Legionary Movement, the Hungarian irredentism or the internațional occult, and identified its main goal aș the territorial division of România. Legionnaires versus Communists, traitors versus traitors, fellows versus comrades - the
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political participation hâș political knowledge, considers politics an important area, feels comfortable engaging în discussions on the subject or actions and thinks he can influence political decisions through his involvement. By simplifying our research results, which can be studied în more details (including access to databases of measurements taken and all research reports) at the http://www.infopolitic.ro site, we can observe the level of participatory culture în România, through aggregated scores of this culture (measured on a scale of
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în România, through aggregated scores of this culture (measured on a scale of 1-100, where 100 is a maximum / optimum participation). Thus, for each of the four types of participation, the scores are: - Community participation - național score of 35 / 100. More common în the în NE and NW regions of România, with very low scores for younger generations and people without education. - Civic participation - național score of 30/100! More frequent în the Centre, Bucharest and SE regions, less present în
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
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participation, the scores are: - Community participation - național score of 35 / 100. More common în the în NE and NW regions of România, with very low scores for younger generations and people without education. - Civic participation - național score of 30/100! More frequent în the Centre, Bucharest and SE regions, less present în the South. Education influences participation, șo does age (younger people are more participative). - Electoral participation - național score of 57/100, the only category where the score is higher than
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
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very low scores for younger generations and people without education. - Civic participation - național score of 30/100! More frequent în the Centre, Bucharest and SE regions, less present în the South. Education influences participation, șo does age (younger people are more participative). - Electoral participation - național score of 57/100, the only category where the score is higher than average - the highest score of the measurements. Younger generations have lower scores than older ones. - Political participation - național score of 32/100. Higher
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between 30% and 35%, with one exception, namely the național average of electoral participation - up to 57%. Electoral participation is therefore one of the major changes that the Romanian public hâș gone through since 1989. And this is all the more interesting because, once again, the național score for political participation is only 32%. We can consider that the citizen is more interested în the electoral system than în the political system, is more informed about candidates în elections than political
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
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one of the major changes that the Romanian public hâș gone through since 1989. And this is all the more interesting because, once again, the național score for political participation is only 32%. We can consider that the citizen is more interested în the electoral system than în the political system, is more informed about candidates în elections than political actors within specific organizations and better knows electoral bids than ideological offers and positions. Simply puț, the Romanian citizen who is
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
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since 1989. And this is all the more interesting because, once again, the național score for political participation is only 32%. We can consider that the citizen is more interested în the electoral system than în the political system, is more informed about candidates în elections than political actors within specific organizations and better knows electoral bids than ideological offers and positions. Simply puț, the Romanian citizen who is more interested în who reaches an office than what he later does
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
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interested în the electoral system than în the political system, is more informed about candidates în elections than political actors within specific organizations and better knows electoral bids than ideological offers and positions. Simply puț, the Romanian citizen who is more interested în who reaches an office than what he later does în that position! The citizen takes part în the voting process, but not în politics. And, besides these moments of effective participation, the interaction with social life is done
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
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the cornerstone is freedom of expression, while political pluralism is at 6%, the freedom to choose a representative and to be elected is at 15%, the right to criticize and protest at 9% and șo on. Why is the citizen more interested în voting than în capitalizing on the vote results? An explanation comes from the fact that 45% of the population thinks that the election results do not change anything, while 23% believe that elections are more or less rigged
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
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is the citizen more interested în voting than în capitalizing on the vote results? An explanation comes from the fact that 45% of the population thinks that the election results do not change anything, while 23% believe that elections are more or less rigged. Then why do they even vote? 66% believe voting is a required duty. Although the majority believes that nothing will change, although 85% of citizens believe that authorities disregard the popular point of view and although 75
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offers effective solutions for a country's problems, not the campaign!). Normally the campaign occurs every four years and în the meantime society and its actors have enough time and space required to develop concepts and complex theories encompassing the more subtle forms of reality - and then to achieve the consensus required for decisions through which the solutions are implemented. But if the election campaign never stops, then everything that comes from the political class is inevitably lacking depth! We have
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only thing that works is electoral participation. Action should work în a society with functioning mechanisms that generate solutions and the consensus needed to implement these decisions. The public debate on almost any subject în România is biased and superficial; more șo, advocacy groups from classical media or the online environment amplify the aggressiveness of the camps, șo that the citizen spends every moment of his/her life în another chapter of the electoral campaign. It is an endless battle that
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names it took) is communism, we are anti-FSN, democrats. If you do not want a return of communism, vote for uș! This hâș been the ideology used successfully by the Democratic Convention în the 90s against the Iliescu regime (much more easily perceived aș a continuation of communism due to its origins). But we must not forget that both Traian Băsescu în 2009 and Klaus Johannis în 2014 used the same communicational construct în their campaigns. Being born from denial and
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newspapers, television, and radio) and also în the field of literature, music, art and even în science. The main require was that all the messages, ideas and concepts should not contradict în any way the communist ideology. The things became more difficult with Dostoevsky's works, aș his views and ideas were considered reactionary by the communist authorities. However, aș he was hailed by the Western critics aș one of the greatest writers of all times, his work could not be
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