1,547 matches
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situation or explicitly choose not to get involved. Daniel Barbu shows that such an obsession with putting "speech" before "action" hâș existed în România even since the interwar period (if not sooner), when the elites saw modernization aș having "power over words"7. The theory of forms without substance is well known în România - it refers, în our case, to the acquisition of democratic institutions without them having a support în the realities of Romanian society, while hoping that în time
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
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and a strengthening of institutions and social values. Does this sound familiar? Does it resemble post-89 România? Of course, aș long aș the mechanisms are the same - we have discourse (sometimes excessively), but speech is not transformed into action. Conclusions Over time, trust în political parties hâș steadily declined, at about the same pace aș confidence în Parliament. Aș expected, the fundamental institution of democracy hâș paid the price of the citizen misunderstanding its rules and real stakes. Protected by electoral
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
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without candidates and parties. Șo, although the institution that gathers all elected representatives under the same roof collapses every year în terms of confidence and although the party structures are also collapsing, each hâș managed to keep turnout score at over 50% until now, through mechanisms of electoral communication and by organizing to ensure voter participation. Lately, state institutions have begun to investigate the ways în which political structures generate turnout. Starting with the "Quality Trophy" case and arriving at the
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
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officials. Religious words, expressions and themes were actually most often included în the censorship's catalogues. The overall radiography of the process of Dostoevsky's reception during the communist period, we can note two distinct trends: the Marxist perspective, dominant over time, excepting the last two decades, and when only few studies were published. A second perspective, a more theoretical or technical, focused on various literary or psychological themes which much less ideological, such aș the studies of Valeriu Cristea 25
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
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seeking stability, good governance and economic development at its Eastern borders. Which was the interest that stayed at the base of the creating Eastern Partnership? It was clear for EU states that Russia tried to increase its sphere of influence over Eastern countries which have EU aspirations. All the six Eastern Partnership countries were soviet republics. Kremlin hâș always wanted to control the domestic affairs, foreign and the economy of these former soviet states. Once these countries made public their EU
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
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2010, it was formed a new government coalition. The prime - minister was Mykola Azarov from Party of Regions and Victor Yanukovich - the President of Ukraine - which hâd the strongest influence on the government's work and also a huge power over the decisions which are passed at the level of Presidential Administration 22. Yanukovich hâș always declared that European integration is his priority. However, Ukrainian president, proved reduced enthusiasm în the European orientation. This fact was obvious în November, 2013 when
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
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în Belarus should be supported by even greater involvement"23. However, the bilateral relations not suffered too much, "because both Ukraine and Belarus are increasingly aware of the importance of the mutual relations (...) It can be assumed that similarly aș over the last fourteen years, when the two states have tried not to emphasize the differences between them regarding foreign policy, they will now try to develop a modus vivendi în the sphere of bilateral relations, regardless of the disputes about
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
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and prosperity of the Armenia. At the state to state relation level, Armenia hâș good relation with all EaP countries beside Azerbaijan. Bilateral relations between these two countries have been hostile since Azerbaijan and Armenia fought a war în 1990 over the disputed land - Nagorno Karabakh. This territory is populated by ethnic Armenians but it is internationally recognized aș part of Azerbaijan. The war ended în 1994 when Armenian military forces with the help of Russian forces managed to drive ouț
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
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This conflict remains to be a frozen one and there is likely to escalate at any time. Russia hâș always been the ally of Armenia, but în fact this fact caused "a politically, economically and militarily dependence on Russia, which over the years hâș assumed control of Armenia's key economic sectors"31. Relationship between Georgia and Armenia are good. However, because of "Georgia's tense relations with Russia, Armenia cannot take the Georgian route for granted, aș was shown during
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
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because of "the uneven distribution of profit generated by the energy sector that contributes to significant social disparities, and undermines attempts to fight poverty, which remains persistent în Azerbaijan"34. A big threaten to Azerbaijan is related with the conflict over Nagorno Karabakh described above. În this context, Azerbaijan is determined to reclaim Nagorno-Karabakh and a potențial conflict with Armenia could affect its security. At the state to state relation level, Azerbaijan hâș difficult and hostile relation with Armenia because of
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
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frozen conflict în Nagorno Karabah or Moldova and Ukraine related with the conflict în Transnistria. Briefly, I will show why Armenia and Azerbaijan form a regional security complex build upon enmity. Since 1990 Armenia and Azerbaijan are în an on-going over Nagorno Karabakh which is considered a frozen conflict. Applying the variables of RSCT, we can see that Armenia and Azerbaijan hâș the same boundary, being neighbours, they share the geopolitical aspiration to annex Nagorno Karabach territory. The anarchic structure variable
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
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the internal realities of the region. The memory of Ukrainian society that keeps memory of Transnistria was "Ukrainian land". Moldovan officials consider that Ukraine intentionally don't want to sustain resolution efforts. However, at the beginning of 2013 Ukraine took over the OSCE chairmanship and declared that from this position, Ukraine will try to boost the conflict resolution în Transnistria. Until now there is no any achievement în the respect of conflict resolution în Transnistria. Conclusion Aș I have analysed above
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
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Association of Political Consultants (EAPC) since 2001. Member of the Writers Union of România since 2004;. Starting în 2004, President of the Pro Institute, specializing în political analysis and surveys;. Author and co-author of more than ten books, hâș published over 1.500 press articles and hâș taken part în over 750 radio and television broadcasts. Bogdan Teodorescu is constantly under the public and media spotlight. He hâș been a permanent guest în important TV shows on național coverage channels such
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
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Writers Union of România since 2004;. Starting în 2004, President of the Pro Institute, specializing în political analysis and surveys;. Author and co-author of more than ten books, hâș published over 1.500 press articles and hâș taken part în over 750 radio and television broadcasts. Bogdan Teodorescu is constantly under the public and media spotlight. He hâș been a permanent guest în important TV shows on național coverage channels such aș "Antenă" and "Realitatea TV" and hâș been interviewed on
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
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within "Dimitrie Cantemir" Christian University of Bucharest, honorary member of Romanian Academy of Scientists, president of Presamil Professional Military Journalists Association în România, editor-in-chief of "Univers Strategic" magazine, indexed în EBSCO internațional database, and "Orizont Cultural XXI" magazine, author of over 40 volumes comprising papers regarding geopolitical and geostrategic issues, military art, novels, essays, travel diaries, etc.) Titel IOVA is teaching at Național Defence University "Carol I" from Bucharest, aș postgraduate course director since 2010. În 1998 he graduated from Land
Polis () [Corola-journal/Science/84976_a_85761]
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o fată tristă...nici macar ..pierdută...împăcata cu tragicul...plictisita...Ciudat!...eram singura fraiera care zâmbea...!!! Acum?...am încetat să mă ‘dau’cu metroul....nu vreau să pățesc la fel! am auzit că se transmite Say cheeseeee...the show is never over! interesant :)) Drăguț... și totuși, de ce mi-au dat lacrimile?! oare pentru că n-am...da` lasă, nu mai spun și eu :P, e doar o glumă, nu e nimic răutăcios și chiar mi-au înotat puțin ochii în timp ce zâmbeam... !ești verde
Pofta vine râzând by Dragoș Bucurenci () [Corola-blog/Other/82770_a_84095]
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Dragoș Bucurenci Pe 27 noiembrie 2007, reputatul comentator economic Martin Wolf scria în Financial Times: Why does banking generate such turmoil, with the crisis over securitised lending the latest example? Why is the industry șo profitable? Why are the people it employs șo well paid? The answer to these three questions is the same: banking takes high risks. But the public sector subsidises this risk-taking
Financial Times, fix acum un an by Dragoș Bucurenci () [Corola-blog/Other/82791_a_84116]
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întoarce în Ro și aș face PETA Ro, dar mi-e frică. aș intra în vorbă cu oricine, oricând, oricum, aș face tot ce-mi vine în minte, la fiecare moment. aș pleca în altă țară și aș face asta over and over again, odată la 6 luni m-aș lua la bătaie cu cineva serios. dar mi-e frică să nu o încasez M-aș angaja și nu aș mai lungi-o cu studiile, dar îmi e frică că o să
Ce-ai face dacă nu ţi-ar fi frică? by Dragoș Bucurenci () [Corola-blog/Other/82781_a_84106]
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Ro și aș face PETA Ro, dar mi-e frică. aș intra în vorbă cu oricine, oricând, oricum, aș face tot ce-mi vine în minte, la fiecare moment. aș pleca în altă țară și aș face asta over and over again, odată la 6 luni m-aș lua la bătaie cu cineva serios. dar mi-e frică să nu o încasez M-aș angaja și nu aș mai lungi-o cu studiile, dar îmi e frică că o să mă plafonez
Ce-ai face dacă nu ţi-ar fi frică? by Dragoș Bucurenci () [Corola-blog/Other/82781_a_84106]
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responsabilitate n-ar strică. Aș putea scrie și eu o petiție “Poporul român se pronunță împotriva numirii Noricai Nicolai la Justiție”. NFL spune: “...all algorithms that search for an extremum of a cost function perform exactly the same, when averaged over all possible cost functions. În particular, if algorithm A outperforms algorithm B on some cost functions, then loosely speaking there must exist exactly aș many other functions where B outperforms A.” Wolpert and Macready (1995) search “...for any [optimization] algorithm
Spune-i NU Noricăi Nicolai! by Dragoș Bucurenci () [Corola-blog/Other/82899_a_84224]
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functions. În particular, if algorithm A outperforms algorithm B on some cost functions, then loosely speaking there must exist exactly aș many other functions where B outperforms A.” Wolpert and Macready (1995) search “...for any [optimization] algorithm, any elevated performance over one class of problems is exactly paid for în performance over another class.” Wolpert and Macready (1997) optimization Concluzia: Este foarte probabil ca Norica Nicolai să fie un ministru la fel de prost că și ceilalți... @dragoș, nu-mi place defel norica
Spune-i NU Noricăi Nicolai! by Dragoș Bucurenci () [Corola-blog/Other/82899_a_84224]
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cost functions, then loosely speaking there must exist exactly aș many other functions where B outperforms A.” Wolpert and Macready (1995) search “...for any [optimization] algorithm, any elevated performance over one class of problems is exactly paid for în performance over another class.” Wolpert and Macready (1997) optimization Concluzia: Este foarte probabil ca Norica Nicolai să fie un ministru la fel de prost că și ceilalți... @dragoș, nu-mi place defel norica nicolai. ca politician. ca ministru al justiției și mai puțin. dar
Spune-i NU Noricăi Nicolai! by Dragoș Bucurenci () [Corola-blog/Other/82899_a_84224]
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cititorii blogului. Nu-i vorba de o regulă, ci de obișnuință. Singura mea politică “no comment” este în legătură cu intervențiile polemicile care se referă la mine sau la prestația mea și este o politică mai veche decât acest blog. JUST write over and over again till u’ll reach ouț the 7′s novell GOOD LUCK! I supposed u’re the best now i begain to believe it is șo. Alexandra, Iași P.S If someone would like to sent U smth
Carte la Venezia by Dragoș Bucurenci () [Corola-blog/Other/83039_a_84364]
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Nu-i vorba de o regulă, ci de obișnuință. Singura mea politică “no comment” este în legătură cu intervențiile polemicile care se referă la mine sau la prestația mea și este o politică mai veche decât acest blog. JUST write over and over again till u’ll reach ouț the 7′s novell GOOD LUCK! I supposed u’re the best now i begain to believe it is șo. Alexandra, Iași P.S If someone would like to sent U smth private, where
Carte la Venezia by Dragoș Bucurenci () [Corola-blog/Other/83039_a_84364]
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am urmărit-o pe streaming undeva într-o capitala euroapeana. Stop tape la minutul 52 și 29 de secunde. Rewind în player până la 51.58. “Eu n-am venit aici să vă ascult pe dumneavoastră...Minutul...Maimuță....Dragoș, nu tu.” Over and over again. Nu mă mai saturam...la un moment dat era să scap un “dumnezeu și-a întors fața către români” dar și aceste vorbe sunt un mic schlelalait pe langă senzația de eliberare ce am simțit-o. La
De ce-am plecat din studioul 2 al TVR by Dragoș Bucurenci () [Corola-blog/Other/82851_a_84176]